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SANIT WONGPRASERT. LAHU TRADE AND COMMERCE. JSS. VOL.63 (pt.2) 1975. p.199-218.
LAHU TRADE AND COMMERCE
by
Sanit Wongsprasert*
Introduction
This article describes the trading and commercial activities of the
Lahu Nyi1 villagers of Pang Fan village community in the hills of Phrao
District, Chiang Mai Province, northern Thailand2. These villagers are
taken by the author to be fairly representative of the 16, 389 Lahu hill
people, who live in Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Lampang, Mae Hong Son
and Tak Provinces3.
The Lahu Nyi system of kinship is bilateral or cognatic4. A village
or small cluster of neighbouring villages comprises the basic political
unit (Walker, 1969 : 44).
Like other highland peoples, the villagers under study practise
swidden agriculture5. Their agriculture is mainly concerned with the
production of food, both for local consumption and for exchange; rice,
chilli and opium are the major crops with vegetables,melons,spices and
tobacco as minor catch-crops. Fowl, pigs, cattle and water buffaloes
are commonly found in the village. The Lahu keep their livestock as
prestige commodities and for cash income.
The Lahu exchange produce among themselves and with other
ethnic groups.Trade and commerce play a very important role in the
relationship between the Lahu and neighbouring peoples.
___________________________________________________________
*Senior Researcher, Tribal Research Centre, Chiang Mai.
1) Known to the Thai as 'Mussur Deang', see Walker, A.R. 'Blessing Feasts and
Ancestor Propitiation among the Lahu Nyi (Red Lahu)', in Journal of the Siam
Society, Vol. 60, Part 1, January 1972, 345-346.
2) The fieldwork that forms the basis of this study was conducted between October
1966 and September 1969, under the supervision of Anthony R. Walker,of the
Institute of Social Anthropology, University of Oxford.
3) According to the census of 1970-1973 of Tribal Research Centre, Chiang Mai,
Thailand.
4) By cognatic, I mean the type of kinship system which embraces all of an in-
dividual's father's kin, and all of his mother's kin.
The term refers to the agriculture cycle in tropical forest i.e.— burning-planting-
harvesting-and forest regrowth (Rappaport, 1971 : 177).
202 Sanit Wongsprasert
The study area consisted of three major settlements and these I
have named Village A, Village B and Hamlet C 6.Two smaller hamlets
were attached to Village A, and there was a permanent, swidden hut
established in the area. Village B had one hamlet, and Hamlet C had
another small hamlet nearby. The population of Village A was 148,
Village B 288, and Hamlet C 67.
Village A (including Hamlet C) is an official administrative unit
recognized by the Thai government. Precipitously steep paths connect
the Lahu villages and the Khon Muang(northern Thai people)communi-
ties. It is about eight kilometres or five hours walk from the nearest
Khon Muang village to the Lahu settlements.
Most of the inter-ethnic group communications are economic in
nature, and a variety of goods is traded. Before considering trade
between the Lahu and other peoples, I wish to consider briefly the nature
of economic transactions within Lahu villages.
A) Trade within Lahu Villages
Within the village there are traditional constraints on trade which
inhibit the number of purely economic transactions which take place.
For example, in 1968, 20 litres of unhusked rice cost about 13 baht
(65 C. US.) in the open market. By comparison, the traditional Lahu
price was only 3 baht (15 C.) for that amount of rice. As a consequence
rice was more frequently lent and borrowed than bought and sold. 2-5
kerosene tins (40-100 litres)of unhusked rice were usually lent for one
year or so. There was no interest account on this transaction. Chilli
and vegetables, on the other hand, were not borrowed or lent, but
exchanged on a reciprocal basis.
Generally,the Lahu do not sell their fowl to one another;as with
rice, fowl are usually lent and borrowed freely. Nor are pigs bought
and sold between villagers.When a man slaughters a pig(usually its
weight was about 12 kg.), he will not sell it for cash but might lend some
pork to fellow villagers.It is not economical to sell the meat because,
as with rice, the price was fixed by custom at 3 baht per joi (1.6 kg.)
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6) Hamlet C is too small to constitute a village because it lacked a temple and
formal headman.
LAHU TRADE AND COMMERCE 203
Large pigs are rarely killed for consumption by household members.
More often the bigger pigs were sold to Khon Muang visitors for
slaughter, and the meat was re-sold by them to the villagers. For
example, two Khon Muang traders bought a 400 baht pig. They then
slaughtered it and sold most of the pork (about 41 kg.) or 10 baht a kg.
In this transaction the traders made a profit of about 5% or about 1 kg.
of pork, which they consumed themselves7.After the lowland butchers
had collected money from their customers, they repaid the original
owner. This kind of transaction occurred fairly frequently.
Opium, unlike other commodities, is often bought and sold directly
between villagers,the price being adjusted to seasonal and yearly fluctua-
tions. Another contrast with the exchange of subsistence products and
other commodities — which were not lent with interest accruing to the
seller—is that opium is usually lent at 100% interest. Generally speaking,
a man who wishes to obtain opium borrows some money and purchases
direct from the seller. After his own opium is harvested he returns his
debt with opium of double the value of the money he had borrowed the
preceding year. For example, Household 9 borrows 50 baht from
Household 1;after Household 9 had harvested their opium they repay with
160 grammes of opium, which had a value of 100 baht. Usually, the
money is loaned during June — September, and returned between the
months of January and February the following year. This money lend-
ing system is known as 'f2 hkieŭ vui ve' (opium-green-to "mortgage").
Aside from these credit transactions,barter and sales for cash also
occur. For instance, Household 12 bought opium from Household 5 with
cash8. Household 3, on the other hand, bartered their horse to o btain
opium from Household 1.
Unfortunately,no livestock were bought and sold between villagers
during the research period.There was, however, one transaction invol-
ving livestock which,incidentally, illustrates perhaps the mutual mistrust
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7) These traders were able to estimate the weight of a pig to an incredibly
accurate degree.
8) After opium was harvested,Household 12 sold all of its opium. Later,during
planting of the next crop, they needed some opium for payment of addict
labourers.
204 Sanit Wongsprasert
of the Lahu in dealing directly with one another. Household 2 wished
to buy a cow, and Household 3 had a beast they wished to sell, but
direct negotiations apparently failed to end in agreement. Then a Khon
Muang trader bought the cow and a few days later res old it to House-
hold 2 at the same price he had paid for it.
Other items, such as agricultural tools, hunting implements and
jewellery, were very rarely bought and sold. In one case, however, a
man bought a house from a villager who was leaving for 70 baht
(US$3.50).
To sum up,items concerned with subsistence needs are not bought
and sold. Crops and animals that can be readily sold on the open
market are sold for cash. In these transactions, however, Khon Muang
middlemen often acted as intermediaries between Lahu sellers and
buyers. Table 1 summarises this data.
LAHU TRADE AND COMMERCE 205
B) External Relationships :
a) Trading with neighbouring Lahu settlements. Lahu who live in
neighbouring settlements often trade crops and animals. A common
type of transaction between settlements involved the acquisition of rice
by the poor, opium addicted Lahu who lived in outlying hamlets. These
people often obtained cash loans from more prosperous Lahu in the larger
villages by mortgaging their crops soon after planting time. They would
use the loan to buy rice from lowlanders.
This mortgage system is known as 'ca hkieŭ vui ve' (green-rice-to
mortgage).Unlike the 'green opium' mortgages, which could be obtained
before actual planting took place, a 'green rice' mortgage was only
granted after the crops were in the ground and on their way to ma-
turity.
The reason for this difference may have been that 'green rice'
transactions usually involved opium addicted mortgagees who could not
always be trusted to honour their obligations. The mortgagers would
only give loans once they had the security of a maturing crop. The
addicted hamlet dwellers were not trusted for 'green opium' mortgages
because mortgagers felt that they would consume the opium themselves
instead of repaying their debts.
The interest on 'green rice' mortgage was usually about 100%.
Opium is the commodity which most frequently changed hands
between the members of different settlements.These transactions were
usually by direct cash sale, and involved members of both the small
hamlets and the major villages. Opium is usually acquired in this way
for local consumption. When transactions of this kind took place
between Lahu, it was taken on trust that the drug was unadulterated.
Where opium was sold to, or bought from members of other ethnic
groups, proof was required of the purity of the opium before the transac-
tion could proceed.
Chillies and vegetables were very rarely bought and sold between
villages and hamlets.
Fowl and pigs were bought and sold on some occasions. The
husband of a pregnant woman, for instance, often sought sacrificial fowl
206 Sanit Wongsprasert
in the other settlements. Sometimes when Village B slaughtered a large
pig the villagers of Pang Fan would go to buy pork. When epidemics
decimated the fowl and pigs of one village, its members might borrow
stock from a village which had not been so affected. For example, in
1971, most of the pigs in Village A were killed by disease. They bor-
rowed pigs from Village B, repaying the loan when their herds had been
built up.
Cattle and horses are commonly bartered between members of
different villages. Usually the buyer did not drive the animal to his
village after he had paid its price, but left the animal to graze on its
original ground. After weeks or months, the buyer would lead his
stock to his village.
Wild animal meat and forest products were sometimes sold.Often
the Lahu who lived in very small settlements adjacent to virgin forest
carried barking deer or porcupine meat to sell and barter with members
of larger settlements for opium. The price of wild animal meat was the
same as tha t of pork (10 baht/kg.). Rattan, which was rare in the
region, was often sought by the outlying hamlet dwellers. This material
is either sold as raw material or is woven into baskets for sale to
villagers.
Members of small settlements sometimes left their valuables in
store in the larger villages. Generally, all the residents of this region
recognized that Village B was the most secure settlement; it has many
rich people, is well-equipped with firearms, and is internally united and
cohesive. The senior kinsmen of many of the Lahu in the surrounding
area live in this village. The head of Household 10 of Village A, for
instance, left his cash savings of 4,000 baht (US$200) in the safekeeping
of his elder brother who lived in Village B.
Speaking in general,transactions of subsistence products such as
rice, vegetables, domestic fowl and pigs, are subject to a system of tra-
ditional rules with regard to equivalent value and are therefore only
carried out in special circumstances. The returns from sale of opium
and livestock, on the other hand, vary according to current levels of
supply and demand.
LAHU TRADE AND COMMERCE 207
b) Trade with other ethnic groups in the hills. The Lahu of Pang
Fan area do not have regular contact with many other ethnic groups in
the hills. Most of their contacts are with Lisu or Yunnanese, and involve
the sale or purchase of horses or opium. In early 1968, for instance,
two Lahu of Pang Fan village went to a Lisu village to buy horses10. At
the end of that year three Lisu who were newcomers to the region and
had settled near Village B,came to buy horses from the villagers of Pang
Fan.
As for opium trade, Household 11's head carried about one kilo-
gramme of opium to sell at a Yunnanese village situated about 10 kilo-
metres away. But this trade occurred because the Lahu could not wait
for the Khon Muang trader to come to purchase his opium supply, and he
needed cash to pay for a cow that he had already ordered from a trader.
During preparation of poppy swiddens, the Lahu who had opium were
reluctant to sell it to needy Lahu addicts because they wanted to use it
as payment for their labour force. Consequently Yunnanese visitors
came to sell opium to addicted Lahu.
Trading of domestic fowl and pigs with other ethnic groups is
sometimes attempted, but rarely meets with any success.
The Lahu often exchange seeds of different strains of commonly
cultivated crops with other ethnic groups.The head of Household 2, for
example,exchanged a small amount of his opium with a Lisu for some
of the latter's seed rice which was reputed to be of a successful strain11.
In another case a Lahu took some vegetables to barter for opium seeds
at a neighbouring Lisu village. The Lahu believed that the Lisu seeds
would provide him with higher yields.
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10) The Lisu wanted to emigrate to Phitsanulok Province 140 km. south of Pang
Fan. They wanted to sell the horses to the Lahu although some Yunnanese
who lived near the Lisu village had offered to buy them.According to the Lisu
informants, the Lisu said that they feared the Yunnanese would maltreat their
horses, so they preferred to sell to the Lahu.
11) It provided higher yields than the rice strain that he had previously used and
could be planted either lower or higher than 1,000 metres altitude.
208 Sanit Wongsprasert
There are a number of conventions to be observed in the conduct
of inter-ethnic group trade. For example, visitors should be provided
with food and shelter; Lahu was the language generally used12; visiting
traders should be very careful not to impose upon hospitality offered,
usually,spending only a few hours or at the most one night in their host's
home.
c) Trade with lowlanders. Since the Lahu produce a surplus of
some crops and livestock, Khon Muang, especially the foot-hill dwellers,
frequently seek trading contacts with them. Unlike transactions with
the Lisu and Yunnanese, which are sporadic,regular trade relations have
developed between Lahu and lowlanders.The Khon Muang specialise
in different kinds of trade goods : some sell only local food products,
such as rice cakes,fruits,fresh water fish,fermented crab sauce and so on;
some were middlemen bringing goods from lowland markets to sell in the
hills; others trade in rice and livestock, or specialise in the purchase and
sale of firearms; whilst a few traders come merely to buy opium from
the hill dwellers. The following diagram illustrates the frequency of
visits made by these different kinds of traders.
The capital letter A traders who numbered about 18 (34%) were
irregular visitors. These traders sold local foot-hill produce. They
were likely to appear in the Lahu village when the hill folk had their
ritual celebrations, where they joined in eating the pork curry. When
these Khon Muang visited the village in large numbers (4-6),the locals
felt that their settlement was being invaded by hungry hordes13. The
villagers also kept careful watch on their guests as they had been known
to set fire to Lahu fallow swiddens on leaving the village, in order to flush
out wild game and to encourage bamboo shoot growth.The lowlanders
had ignored the frequent Lahu appeals to desist from this practice and
their actions provoked a good deal of hostility, to the extent that some
Lahu had threatened death to offenders
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12) The Lisu and Yunnanese bachelors also looked for Lahu girls, because they
recognized that a Lahu bride-price was low. Coached by Lahu boys, these
visitors were taught sufficient Lahu to court the girls, and at the same time
the Lahu boys imitated words that the visitors were saying.
13) The Lahu were understandably reluctant to slaughter their pigs when irregular
lowland traders visited the village on occasions of ritual celebration.
210 Sanit Wongsprasert
The capital letter B, C, D, and E traders in the diagram represent
permanent trade-partners14 of the Lahu. They numbered about 35 per-
sons (66% of the total number of traders)were permanent and trusted
trade-partners. The villagers often order items they need from the
market through these trade-partners. Items ordered might range from
a box of matches, to such things as large quantities of rice, livestock
and even sub-machine guns. For example,Household 5 ordered three
large kerosene tins of glutinous rice through a trader; a few days later
tha trader brought the rice to him. Surprisingly, the price that the
trader charged his partner was close to that he originally paid himself.
Whilst many lowland traders were middlemen between the markets
and the Lahu villagers, some Lahu were middlemen between lowland
traders and Village B, which was less accessible.To give one instance
of such a transaction : a trader wanted to buy 640 grammes of opium
from Household 10's head, but the Lahu man had none.The Lahu then
went to Village B and bought the required amount of opium for the Khon
Muang. The Lahu middleman retained 50 baht from the agreed price
in payment for his services.15
Trading relations between the Lua' and the lowlanders clearly
depended on the existence of a cash economy (Kunstadter, 1969 : 74).
This was also true in general for the transactions between the Pang Fan
villagers and Khon Muang traders. But whilst the Lua' had no goods
or property which could be used as credit with the lowlanders, the Lahu,
on the other hand, had their opium to raise loans from the lowlanders
of cash or rice. As an example : during August two Lahu of Household
9 went to a Khon Muang head man of a valley village. The Lahu men
mortgaged 0.16 kg. of opium (which would cost about 100 baht when it
was harvested), for about 35 litres of husked rice (equivalent to 50 baht).
During February when most of the opium had been harvested, the Khon
Muang creditor sent his sons to collect the debt. However, there was
only one lowlander who gave credit to the Lahu, although he never
visited Pang Fan village.16
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14) Kunstadter found that the S'kaw and the Lua' in Mae Sariang District had not
developed regular relationships with lowland trading partners (1969 : 74).
15) Some Khon Muang traders used to visit Village A, but not Village B. Opium
trading was rarely conducted between strangers.
16) Lahu did not call Khon Muang money-lenders pau liang as did the lowlanders.
Instead they used the money-lender's first name as they would for ordinary
people.
LAHU TRADE AND COMMERCE 211
Essentially, the language used in trade with Khon Muang was Khum
Myng (the northern dialect of the Thai language). Some traders, espe-
cially the middlemen, speak sufficient Lahu to conduct their business.
All Lahu household heads and young men could speak Khum Myng.
Some women used Lahu mixed with the visitors' language to bargain
for the items that they needed.
Table 2 below shows the seasonal purchase to Khon Muang pro-
duce by Lahu.
212 Sanit Wongsprasert
In all I counted 85 items brought to the Lahu by the traders,and 13
items which were sold by the Lahu. This imbalance does not mean that
the Lahu were at a disadvantage in these transactions. In fact, if any-
thing, it was the lowland traders who were at a disadvantage, for they
needed Lahu goods more than the Lahu needed the commodities they
brought to the hills. A Khon Muang who wanted to buy chilli, for
instance, had to speak gently and be persuasive. With other things,
such as pigs and cattle, the lowlanders had to form a friendly relation-
ship and give good reasons as to why they wanted to buy that particular
commodity. Some traders used the word "beg" instead of "barter" or
"buy" when referring to the Lahu's goods, and "help" when referring to
receiving the goods they had carried a long way. This kind of trade
relation often involved the exchange of small items offered by the traders
at the time of the visits. For example, many visitors carried only dried
fish to barter for Lahu chilli ; however when the Lahu had enough fish
for several days they might not require this dried fish, although they
wanted other items. However, the Lahu might "help" the traders when
they reduced the price of their other goods.
During Khon Muang traders' visits, the Lahu sold their produce to
the lowlanders. The following table illustrates the types of Lahu goods
which were sold to Khon Muang at different times of the year.
Although the traders supplied a considerable quantity of goods,
the Lahu sometimes went to market themselves. They might do this if
some time elapsed between traders' visits, or if they were dissatisfied
with the quality of the traders' goods. When the Lahu went down the
valleys for other than trade reasons – to seek medical attention, or to
visit the government's district office, or distant kinsmen – they often
brought goods such as fish or rice-cakes with them when they returned.
Such visits by Lahu to the lowlands were infrequent compared with the
frequency of visits by Khon Muang to Pang Fan. During June 1968 to
May 1969, Lahu individuals made in our study a total of 137 trips to the
lowlands. As there were 148 Lahu at Pang Fan, this means that on
Note : x represents supply of items
average an individual made 0.9 trips to the lowlands in the 1 year period.
During the same period, lowlanders visited the village for 417 men/visits.
Most of these visitors originated from tambon Pa tum and Panai.
Diagram Two illustrates the frequency of visits of lowlanders to
Pang Fan, and Lahu to the lowlands on a month to month basis.
* Sesame and chestnuts to the value of about 50 baht (US. $2.50) constituted the
sum total of the annual yield.
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* Sesame and chestnuts to the value of about 50 baht (US. $2.50) constituted the
sum total of the annual yield.
LAHU TRADE AND COMMERCE 215
— The quality of the Lahu\Khon Muang relationships.
In the S'kaw Karen/Khon Muang relationship in Chom Thong
District, Marlowe found the use of the terra siso or sio to refer to most
of the Khon Muang farmers or farmer-traders who carried certain recipro-
cal rights and obligations (1969:58). This term was rarely used between
the Lahu and the lowlanders. Similarly, the Lahu/Khon Muang used the
term 'khon kui-e kun' or "acquaintances" to refer to each other. But, the
Lahu would call their trade-partners 'khon Kui-e kun'; a term not applied
to the irregular lowland traders.
In some respects, trade cemented the Lahu and Khon Muang people
together in a harmonious relationship. It was not, however a relation-
ship without points of conflict. I shall, in this section, first discuss the
positive aspects of this relationship before discussing the friction which
sometimes arose.
Usually, lowland trade-partners spent one to two nights in a Lahu
village while on their visits. Some carried glutinous rice along with them
because they did not like the ordinary rice which the Lahu served. Often
visitors were treated to special meals containing pork or the flesh of
barking deer.
In reciprocation, when the Khon Muang had a major religious
festival, they would send notes to each Lahu household inviting them to
come down. The lowlanders also invited the hill people to donate some
money to "make merit" when a Buddhist temple was being built or
repaired. Some hill folk usually attended the lowland festivities. They
slept over night in the Khon Muang villages, being given ceremonial
rice-cakes and other special food to eat. Before they departed, the Khon
Muang friends would wrap up some rice-cakes or cooked rice for a noon
meal during the long walk home.
Although smoking opium was illegal in the plains, Lahu guests
were ignored if they wanted to take a pipe during a visit to the lowlands.
The lowlanders seemed anxious to make the Lahu feel "at home" as
much as possible.
The Lahu were most anxious to visit the lowlands during the time
of the year when the mango and jackfruit were ripe. Some lowlanders
216 Sanit Wongsprasert
sold their fruits to the Lahu at low prices, while others gave them as
gifts. The Lahu would carry as much fruit back to their villages as
their horses could carry.
The Lahu considered the Khon Muang to be highly knowledgeable
and keenly sought all the information that they could about the outside
world from them. When a visitor stayed over night in a Lahu house, he
would have an attentive audience as he told stories of the world beyond
the village. The villagers who had been present on these occasions
would pass on the information they had heard to all other Lahu who
were interested.20
On the other hand,hostility between uplanders and lowlanders did
arise most typically over the theft of Lahu livestock and possessions by
Khon Muang, especially by Khon Muang who were irregular traders.
When the Lahu's crops were stolen, they rarely reported the theft to the
local government officials. The reason was that the Lahu felt that the
officials would not be very active in seeking or punishing wrong-doers.
Conflict also arose between Lahu and Khon Muang on account of
intrinsic cultural differences. One particular point of friction was over
the drinking of spirits and gambling. Both of these were prohibited by
Lahu custom, but some Khon Muang persisted in gambling and drinking
while visiting Lahu communities. Arguments often arose when the
village authorities tried to prevent this.
The Khon Muang who smoked opium was usually looked upon
with suspicion. While the Lahu addict was allowed to take a pipe in the
Khon Muang trade-partner's home when he went visiting, a trade-partner
who became an opium addict,on the other hand, might be refused shelter
and equipment for smoking opium if he wanted to take a pipe in the
village. The Lahu believe that Khon Muang addicted to opium are
robbers and trouble-makers.
LAHU TRADE AND COMMERCE 217
Khon Muang dietary habits also amazed and repelled the Lahu.
The Khon Muang, for instance, ate Lahu animals which had died natu-
rally, something the Lahu themselves would never do. Furthermore,
the Khon Muang ate some species of plants and animals which are tabu
to the Lahu.
Sometimes young lowland men tried to flirt with the Lahu girls
when they were on visits. Unlike the Lisu who joined the Lahu boys to
court the girls, the Khon Muang were shunned by the Lahu girls. Mar-
riage between Lahu women and men from other ethnic groups occurred
only when both sides were opium addicts.
It may be concluded that transactions within the village were
important, but hedged around with customary constraints. Subsistence
crops and domestic animals were exchanged on a reciprocal basis. Opium
and large livestock were,on the other hand,often sold for profit between
villagers. Interest was payable where transactions involved opium.
Exchange between the villagers and outsiders (Lahu, Lisu, Khon
Muang, and others) was on a more strictly commercial basis. It usually
took place between trading partners who had established a firm personal
relationship. An exception to this rule were transactions involving
goods of marginal importance to the Lahu, which were sold to them by
virtual strangers. More often than not, lowland traders brought goods
to the hills for sale; visits by Lahu to the lowlands for commercial
purposes were comparatively infrequent.
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