Loose structure : Fact or Fancy ? พิมพ์ อีเมล
เขียนโดย Jane Bunnag   




                             LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?
                                        Thai Society Re-examined*


                                                      Jane Bunnag


Since the first publication of  J.F.  Embree's  pioneering   article
'Thailand : a loosely  structured  social  system' (American  Anthropolo-
gist 1950: 52 pp.181-193) up to the present time it has generally been
assumed that Thai society  is  indeed 'loosely structured', although the
precise  implications  of   this  term  have  still  to  be  worked  out.  The
most  recent  collection  of  essays  on  this  topic, 'Loosely  Structured
Social   Systems : Thailand   in   Comparative  Perspective'  (ed.  Hans-
Dieter  Evers, Yale  University  Southeast   Asia  Studies 1969)  serves,
amongst other things,to compound the confusions which have  arisen,
and shows Embree's  heirs  grappling  with  three  major difficulties in
their   intellectual  heritage. The  first  of  these  concerns  the  problem
as to the precise meaning  of  the  term  'loosely-structured'; does  this
refer to  the  psychologica l traits  of  individual  Thais, to  the  apparent
ease  with  which  they  change  their social  roles, to their alleged anti-
pathy  to  co-operative  action  with  other members  of  their society, or
are all of these merely symptoms of a  more  deeply  rooted  structural

In the second  place  it remains to be decided as to whether or
not  this  concept  is  to  be  used as a tool  of  analysis  or  description,
and if the latter, is it to be applied to Thai  society  as  a  whole, or  only
in part ?

The third and knottier  problem  and  one  which  is  wisely  left
untouched by many students of Thai  society, concerns  the  basis  for
this loose-structuring, given that one can accept this epithet.


*  The material used in this article was obtained during fieldwork  conducted in
   Ayutthaya  (1966-1967)  for   my  doctoral  thesis  entitled  'The  Relationship
   Existing Between the Monastic  and  Lay  Communities in Ayutthaya, Central
   Thailand', which  was  presented  to  London  University  in  June 1969. This
   research programme was carried out under the auspices of the London-Cornell
   Project for East and South-East Asia, financed  jointly  by  the Nuffield  Foun-
   dation and the Carnegie Corporation of New York.






2                                                  Jane Bunnag


A fourth  and final  difficulty  of  rather  a  different  order  lies  in
the   academic   insularity   of  the  anthropologists  working  with  Thai
society; an insularity which limits  their  use  of  comparative  ethnogra-
phic materials to a minimum, and keeps them in relative ignorance of
current anthropological trends and developments,with the  result  that
they rarely make use of the conceptual tools most  appropriate  to  the
situation, and   continue  to  maintain, implicitly  or  otherwise, that  the
Thai situation is unique.

Let us first examine the question as  to   the  mobility  between
roles in Thai society. In Thailand, as  in  most  other  small-scale  and
predominantly pre-industrial  societies,1 social roles are fairly  simple
in terms of the qualifications  needed by individual actors, which  is  to
say that 'the actual number of functionally  specific tasks and roles are
(sic) few, and any number of individuals  can  perform  them'  (Phillips
1965:81).  According    to   a  large  body  of  classical  anthropological
theory,mostly based on African sources, these conditions are  usually
associated  with  role  recruitment  according  to 'contingent'  qualities,
and hence, a fairly static situation,2 (Nadel 1951:152) but  in Thailand
this simplicity of roles is, as seems on second thoughts more reasona-
ble, associated with considerable ease of movement  between  them.

Study of  the relationship existing  between monastic  and   lay
communities   in    Ayutthaya,  Central   Thailand   has   provided  clear
evidence of  one  kind  of  social  mobility. According  to  popular belief
all  Thai men, at some time in their lives should  enter  the  monastery
(wat)  for even a brief period of time, for several days, or  a  few  weeks,
and assume the most prestigious and meritorious role society has to
offer, namely  that  of  the  Buddhist  monk. The  ideal  is  that   a   man


                      1) An approximate   8%  of   the   Thai  population  is  engaged  in  agriculture.
                                  Although the country has, in the past hundred  years  become  one  of  the
                                  world's major rice exporters there have been  few  qualitative  changes  in
                                  the  Thai  economy. Ingram (1955: 209) reports that changes have  been 'in
                                  volume   rather   than   in  kind. New  methods  have  not   been  used, new
                                  products have not been developed. No product of any importance (besides
                                  rubber) is exported today which was not exported in 1850.'

                            2) 'It is probably true to say that  simpler  societies  lean  to wards  compulsory,
                                 and  complex  societies  towards  voluntary recruitment, which lends to the
                                 former   their  more  static  nature,  and  to  the  latter  their  greater  mobility.'
                                 (Nadel 1951 : 152)






                           LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?                      3


should pursue the 'way of  the  monk'  with  a  view  to   improving  his
spiritual condition through  the study and practise of the Dhamma  or
Word  of  the Buddha. His primary  interest, in  theory  at   any  rate,  is
in  eradicating  defilements  within himself, and pastoral services  for
the  lay  community  should  be  only  marginal  to  his  role.3 But,  the
monkhood does not necessarily provide a permanent vocation,and it
is  explicitly  recognised in the  canonical  writings that  it  is  better  to
be a  good  layman  than an  indifferent  monk. A  bhikkhu  (Buddhist
monk—lit. mendicant) who can no longer live up to  the standards  of
asceticism required encounters no obstacle in returning to lay life as
he   takes  no  binding  vows  of  any  kind  on  ordination. It    is   also
mentioned  repeatedly  in  the Scriptures that   the  capacity   for  their
comprehension varies very much between individuals(cf. Mendelson
1965 : 217)4 and  there is thus no disgrace in declaring that one  has
come  to  the  limits  of one's capabilities, and intends to return to  lay
life. The  disgrace  lies in remaining in  the  Sangha  whilst   retaining
too  lively   an   interest   in   the  'way  of the world'. Nevertheless, and
despite  the fact  that  this  particular role movement can  be  justified
with reference to  the  Theravadin  teachings, it  would  seem  that   in
some other Theravada Buddhist societies, notably in Ceylon, and   to
a lesser extent in Burma,movement between the Sangha and the lay
community is less easily accomplished, for a variety of reasons, and
it is more difficult, having  once  assumed  the  yellow robe, to  cast it



                             3)  In theory, the services he performs for the laity are secondary in importance
                                  in that they  are  irrelevant  to  the  primary  aim  of  extinction  of  worldly
                                  attachments. (See Dutt 1957 : 93)
                            4)  Mendelson writes that Buddhists place great emphasis on the existence of
                                'different levels of awareness of the doctrine, characteristic of  the people
                                 who approach it at  different  times, and  in  different  places'  (Mendelson
                                 1965 : 207)

                            5) See the  article  entitled  'Kinship  and Property Rights in a Buddhist Monas-
                                 tery  in  Central  Ceylon' (Amer. Anthrop. 1967 : 703-710) and R.S. Coples-
                                 tone's 'Buddhism Primitive and Present in Magadha and  in Ceylon' London-
                                 New York; Longmans Green 1892.

                                          These works show that  the organisation of the Sangha in Ceylon is
                                 rather different from that of its Thai  counterpart. It  would  seem  that  the
                                 Thai Sangha gives less scope to individual monks in the sense that it does
                                 not provide them with opportunities to  achieve  positions  of  political  and
                                 economic power  and  independence, similar  to  those  enjoyed  by  some
                                 Singhalese bhikkhus. It does on the other hand provide him with an  educa-
                                 tion which fits him for service in the government bureaucracy,and there is
                                 a great deal of movement out of the state-controlled Sangha  and  into  the
                                 civil service. These and other  factors  may  help  to  explain  why  on  the
                                 whole there is more mobility into and out of the monkhood in Thailand  than
                                 in Ceylon.


See Nash (1965 : 143) for details of the Burmese situation.






4                                                    Jane Bunnag


A feature of the Thai Sangha, which is perhaps less  generally
recognized, is that it provides an important channel for social advance-
ment, as men who remain in  the  Order  for  a  number  of  years  and
make good use of the educational facilities freely available  to  monks,
can achieve a significant improvement  in social  position  when   they
return   to   lay   life.  In   his  article  'The   Buddhist   Monkhood   as  an
Avenue   of   Social   Mobility  in Traditional Thai Society'   the  historian
D.K. Wyatt writes that 'in  old  Thai society ... there  is   some  evidence
to indicate that sometimes sonsof provincial farmers  entered  govern-
ment service in the capital.In many such cases such men moved into
government  positions  through  the  system of religious education. ' It
thus seems that  the Sangha by providing free education—in both  lay
and ecclesiastical subjects—for its members, simultaneously provides
a stepping stone by means of  which  individuals  from  isolated  rural
areas, and the lower ranks  of  urban society, can  move  into  a  most
prestigious sphere of  employment, the civil  service. From  the  obser-
ver's point of view, it would  appear  that  some  men  manipulate   the
system  quite consciously, and it  can  be  no  mere  coincidence  that
many senior officials in government  ministries were onc e monks  who
completed the most advanced courses of ecclesiastical education, and
thus acquired not only a considerable knowledge of  Pali  and  Sanskrit,
but also some  proficiency in ordinary  subjects such  as  history  and
mathematics, and in  at least one European language. But  the  indivi-
dual   actor   can   easily   justify   such 'manipulation'  in  that, as  was
remarked  above, it is better  for  a  man  to  return  to  lay  life  than  to
stay in the Sangha after the robe has become 'too hot'.6

         There  is  some  evidence  to  suggest  that   the  Thai  army   has
become a second and very  important avenue of social mobility, since
the successful military  coup of  1932, at  which  time  a  constitutional
monarchy was established,and the initiative in political affairs passed

out of the hands of the royalty and  aristocracy,  and  into  those  of  the


6) It is said of the man who  wishes  to  leave  the  Order  that  his  robe  has
become too  hot  (pha ron). There  is  some  stigma  attached  to  repeated
ordination as it is thought to  indicate a  lazy  or  vacillating  character. It  is
not uncommon however to have been ordained twice; approximately 30%
of the monks I interviewed had been ordained two times.






                            LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?                               5


small group of army leaders who  had  successfully  opposed  the  old
régime (cf. Wilson 1962:164-94). It seems,  moreover, that  as  Lucien
Hanks suggests, it has at all  times  been  possible  for  the individual
Thai with ambition, and  a  certain  degree  of   natural  ability, to  better
himself, by   skilful  manipulation  of  his  links  with  people  higher  up
the  social  scale; '.... the  coherence  of  Thai  society  rests  largely  on
the value of becoming a client of someone who has greater resources
than one alone possesses .... the crowning moment of happiness lies
in the knowledge of dependable benefits distributed in  turn  to  faithful
inferiors' (Hanks 1962 :1249)7.

It must  be  stressed, however, that  the  possibility  for  upward
mobility does not necessarily imply a widespread desire to  achieve  it.
Leach's dictum that 'a conscious or unconscious wish  to  gain  power
is a very general motive in human affairs' (Leach 1964 p. 10) does not
seem to make much sense in the Thai situation. This lack of  incentive
can perhaps be  ascribed  to  the  politico-economic  conditions  to  be
discussed  below. Many  observers   have  remarked   that    the  Thais
exhibit 'a  high  degree  of   self-acceptance', or,  less   flatteringly,  that
their 'self-approval borders on narcissism'.

It  follows  from the  foregoing  that  the  actual  rate  of  mobility,
as  opposed  to  the  potential  for  such  movement, may  not  be spec-
tacularly high. Although such  a  rate  is  extremely  difficult   to  assess,
work   by   Evers  (Evers  1969  p. 124) and   others   suggests  that   in
statistical  terms  mobility  in  Thai  society  may  be   less  remarkable
than has been supposed.

Another  aspect  of  the  relatively  simple   and   unspecialized
nature of  roles, which is  also characteristic  of  other  societies  at   a
similar stage of socio-economic development, s manifest in the ease
with which individuals move vertically between  different  occupational
spheres; a trained barrister can be found teaching English in  a  boys'


(7) Observers have  often  commented  on  the  Thai  taste  for  conspicuous
consumption. Ingram writes that 'People prefer  to  keep  their  savings  in
the form of gold or cash, and they  have  not  made  much  use  of  banks,
postal  savings  or  co-operatives for this purpose. Nor are they willing to
invest in the stock of a corporation which they do not understand or trust'
(Ingram 1955 : 218).






6                                                   Jane Bunnag


secondary school, and he may move from  there  to  be  curator  of   a
museum, and so on. Education and  training, as one might expect  in
this  situation, are   neither  highly  specialized  nor  vocational.  Given
a certain degree of intellectual competence and practical  experience,
it  is  relatively  easy  to  move into  a  different  occupational  sphere.8

The absence of role specialization along sexual lines can also
be attributed to certain features of   the  socio-economic  environment,
which both require and permit that men and women should  display a
high  degree of mobility, of  inter-change ability  between   roles;  strict
sexual  segregation   of   roles, in  rural areas  at  least, would   be  an
unthinkable  luxury. The  basic  unit  of  production  is  the   household
usually consisting of a core family of husband, wife and children, plus
assorted relatives of these individuals. As the household aims  to  be
self-sufficient in terms of labour, and food, women  take a hand in the
field  and  the  men of the household perform domestic chores. In  an
urban setting, however, the elementary  family  is  of   necessity  more
isolated. Normally the husband's work  takes  him  away  from  home
for a substantial part of  every  day, and  in  such  circumstances  it  is
more difficult for a woman to take an active role outside the home.

Associated with a high rate of mobility between roles  in  Thai
society, is a considerable emphasis upon their relative status. In the
article already  cited  Mosel  observes  that  'while  Thai  roles  are  in
general diffuse and ambiguous, there is one feature which is extremely
clear-cut: the statuses associated with roles can  almost  always  be

distinguished in terms of higher or lowe ….........In a sense we might

say  that   in  Thai  society  there  are   two  highly  generalized   roles:
superior  and  subordinate. Given  any  two  statuses  or  clusters  of
social characteristics the average Thai can  easily  and  consistently
make paired comparison judgements' (Mosel 1965 : 5). Thus in any


(8) Mobility  is not, of  course, absolute. Formal  educational  qualifications  are
becoming increasingly important, although opportunities for acquiring them
are still very unequal. Which is to  say that  it  is  still easier for  individuals
from  higher  income  families  to  obtain  a  good education, although there
are  a  few  government  scholarships, and it is not unusual for a wealthy
individual to pay for the schooling of children belonging to his servants  or
his clients, or his poorer relations.






                           LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?                        7


social encounter each individual involved reaches a decision as to the
linguistic and behavioural usages appropriate, after a rapid  summing
up of a number of crucial  variables, which  is  to  say  that  each  must
take  into  account not  only his protagonist's sex, and relative age, but
also his income, occupation, place of residence, and so on.The relative
status of individual actors in a given situation is not always  as clearly
defined as Mosel implies, and where there is  ambiguity  it  is  always
better to  err  on  the  side  of  deference. For  example, a  monk  of  35
who has spent 15 years in the Order will usually give formal precedence
to a  man of  60 who has  recently  retired  into  the  monastery, and  is
thus  clearly inferior  to  the  former  in  terms  of  priority   of  ordination.
In this situation the younger bhikkhu  shows  his  respect   by  seating
himself at a lower level, by making a lower obeisance on meeting  the
other, and by using more respectful terms of address  in conversation,
although he is on the other hand unlikely to consult the olde r man  on
any matter  pertaining to disciplinary  affairs, as   the  latter  is  unlikely
to be the better informed.

The relationship between superior and subordinate varies  very
little, either  in   content  or  in   outward  form, whatever  the   sphere  of
activity  may  be. The   senior  partner  should    be   'benevolent   calmly
self-assured ,  authoritative   (rather     than     authoritarian)  whilst   the
subordinate is respectful, attentive,helpful but not necessarily obedient
(although   face-to-face  disobedience   would  be  unthinkable)'  (Mose :
1965:5). Each individual has, in fact, very similar kinds of relationships
with his patron, his teacher, a senior kinsmen  and  a  Buddhist  monk,
all   of   whom   occupy  a  position  of  superiority  with  respect  to  him.
Each of these relationships is of a  very  generalized patron/client  type,
and each tends to have a material component, which is to say that  the
inferior party receives not only advice and sponsorship, but  also more
tangible   benefits  in  the  form  of  financial  support, either  regular  or
only   occasional. A  senior  civil  service  official  might  well  be  asked
to help with the expenses of life-crisis  rituals  organised  by one of his
juniors in the department, as well as  being  expected  to contribute  to
the   costs  of  educating   the   children   of   the  latter, and  to  support
applications for visas and permits, and   for  positions  in  the  national




8                                                 Jane Bunnag


bureaucracy. But  in  his turn  he  is  entitled  to expect  his subordinate
to accord him the outward signs of deference and respect, and to  give
more tangible evidence of these attitudes by running personal errands
for him, and acting as his general factotum out of office hours.9

In   the  monk/layman  relationship   the  former  is  the latter's
patron in that he  is  of  superior  status, and  has  access  to spiritual
benefits, which can be conferred in the  form  of  merit (bun) upon the
unordained.  But   in   this  instance  the  material  aid, in  the  form  of
food, robes, money and other monkly requisites, pass in an upwards
direction from the layman to the bhikkhu, whose renunciation  of  the
secular  world  renders  him  dependent  upon  the  laity  for  material

Another distinctive  feature  of  role-playing  in  Thai  society  is
that very great emphasis is placed upon 'the etiquette of one's station'
(Hanks 1967: 1256), which is to say upon the formal rather than upon
the   substantive   characteristics  of   any   particular   role.10 It   is  for
example, very striking to see the way in  which  young  boys  ordained
as novices (junior members of the Sangha)even though they  may
intend to remain in the Order for a very  short   time — assume  imme-
diately and  without  self-consciousness  the  mien  and   deportment
appropriate  to  their  new  status  as  one  of  the  spiritual  élite,  and,
moreover accept with equanimity  the  respect  accorded  to  them  by
parents, other relatives and friends,and indeed by lay men and women
of   any   age  or  status  with  whom  they  come  into  contact.11  Little


                            (9) A similar relationship obtains between a senior monk and the monks, novices

                                  and   monastery  boys  who  are  under  his  particular  care  and   guidance.

    In    his   autobiography   'Memoirs  of  a  Mendicant  Professor'   D.J.  Enright

    remarks   that   in  Thailand  'It  is  very  important  to  be nice. It  is  also  very

    important   to  be   neat. Indeed   the   two  are   barely  distinguishable. They

    should  be  within  the  capacity of  a  properly  educated person. (The three

    fundamental principles of Teaching Method, so  I  was told, are : the  teacher

    should not possess any visible defect,the teacher should be neatly dressed

    and groomed, the teacher should not rub out  the  chalk  on  the   blackboard

    with his or her fingers.)' (Enright 1969 : 78)

                          11)  Laymen use a special vocabulary when speaking to monks, and further show
                                  their respect (and consciousness of their  own  in feriority) by  seating  them-
                                  selves at a lower level, by walking a few paces behind, by eating  only  after
                                  the monks have taken their meal etc.





                            LOOSE STRUCTURE: FACT OR FANCY ?                               9


else may be demanded of a Thai bhikkhu other than that he is ortho-
dox in appearance and behaviour. Many of the most eminent  monks
in the communities studied owed their reputations more  to  the  fact
that   they   approximated   very  closely to  the  monkly  stereotype  of
calmness and passivity, than to any  more  specific  talents  such  as
skill in teaching or preaching, or to a profound understanding  of  the

The  'ritualization'  of   roles12  (Gluckman 1961 : 86)  in  Thai
society can, I believe, be explained with reference to the fac t already
noted that they are  relatively  unspecialized, and  hence fairly  easily
assumed  and  cast  aside. The  emphasis  which  is  placed  upon
etiquette and other diacritical role attributes  is  consonant  with  the
ease of role shift in Thai society, (and  not  specifically  designed  to
make such movement easier, as has been suggested by Mosel (Mosel
1965 : 10), Hanks  (Hanks  1962 : 1252) and others.13) In  such  a  fluid
situation  it  is  probable that there is  a  need  to  define  much  more
sharply  which  role  an individual is playing at any  one  time, particu-
larly in view of  the  importance  attached  to  status  differentials.This
situation may well  result in  the individual actor's  developing,  to  an
unusual degree,the facility  for distinguishing  between  himself, and
the  social  roles which  he  chooses  to  assume, simultaneously or
successively. One monk  informant, for example,explained his know-
ledge of certain magical(saiyasat)techniques,generally regarded as
being 'Brahmin', by saying that this  was an aspect of himself as  an


                            (12)  This stylization of roles in Thai society is not—as it  is  in  some  other  socie-

                                      ties—associated with the fact that role relationships are 'multiplex' or many-

                                      stranded, making it necessary to distinguish at any one time which facet of

                                      the role is being enacted.

 (13) Mosel attributes this  detachment  to  the  influence  of  the  Buddhist   ethos,

         and in particular to the value placed on uppekkha or 'the withholding  of  the

         act whereby something is perceived as part of the Self' (Mosel 1965:7) .My

         informants however,laid more emphasis on the positive aspects of copying

         and imitating diacritical role attributes and none mentioned  the  concept   of

         uppekkha. I would agree with Wilson when he says  that  'the  significance

         of any relationship between this cosmic  outlook, and   social  behaviour  is

         neither easily measured nor demonstrated' (Wilson 1962 : 46).






10                                                Jane Bunnag


ndividual, and something quite separate  from  his  role  as  a  monk.14
He   was, of  course  concerned  to  justify  certain  items  of  behaviour
which he suspected to be  somewhat  unorthodox, in  Buddhist  terms,
but this does not detract  from  the  sociological  sophistication  of  his

In  a  few  instances,  however, the  interest  in  diacritical  differ-
entiation seems  to  result  from  a  desire  for  elaboration  for  its  own
sake. In some rural areas for example, the prefix  thit  is  placed  before
the names of men who have at some time been ordained even though
their period of service in the wat need have no  repercussions  on  their
subsequent   behaviour  and   social  position.15  Interestingly  enough
this   practice   was   not   followed   in   Ayutthaya, the   provincial   town
where I   lived, and  where  there  were  many  other  criteria  of differen-
tiation, occupation, ethnic affiliation, previous  place  of  residence  and
so on, according to which individuals might be categorized.

Another  distinctive  feature of the  Thai  social  system  is  that
permanent   groups   appear   to   be  virtually  absent. In  his  seminal
article  Embree  states quite categorically that the Thais 'do not  like to
work  in  organisations' as they are too individualistic in temperament.
The  responsibility   for   this  alleged  antipathy   towards  co-operative
action  is  generally laid at the door  of  Theravada  Buddhism. Phillips


(16)  Saiyasat  (magical  practitioners) specialize   in    healing  and/or  in  telling
horoscopes. Although most saiyasat are bhikkhus as these activities  are
traditionally associated with the monkly role,comparatively few monks are
saiyasat. It was observable however, that more credence was  given  to
saiyasat who were also monks, even though the techniques they used were
generally   regarded  as   'Hindu'  or  'Brahministic'  rather  than   Buddhist.
The   Buddha   did   not   forbid   these   activities   to   his  followers   but
declared them to be irrelevant  to their central concern, namely, the quest
for Salvation. Monks can  justify  their  taking  part  in   such  activities  by
saying that they are merely providing a service for  the  laity  who,  unlike
members of the Sangha, have not reached that stage of spiritual  maturity
where they can manage without the emotional and psychological comfort
which magic affords.

15)   'Thit'  or  'did' is  an  'abbreviated  form  of  the  Pali  word  familiar  in  Anglo-
Indian as 'pandit', which means scholar or a wise man' (Anuman 1961 : 69).







                             LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?                        11


for   example, considers  that 'a  major  source  of  the  villagers'  loose
relationships is the Buddhist emphasis on primacy of individual action
and   responsibility'  (Phillips  1967: 363-4). The  question  as   to  whe-
ther the Buddhist ethos can  be  said to  promote  loose  relationships —
in   any   sense  of   this  term — will  be  discussed  below. But, in  the
first place an attempt must be made to shed some light on the question
as to why permanent groups  are  lacking  in  Thai  society  by  looking
at   material   from   another   area  where  long-term  groups  do  exist,
although the basic social structure is not altogether dissimilar.

       For  these  purposes  Leach's  study  of  the Singhalese  village 'Pul
Eliya' provides perhaps the clearest  analysis  of  the  factors which
prompt individuals in such a society to  enter into  co-operation.16(It
should be remembered that most of the  generalisations concerning
the nature of the Thai social system are based on  fieldwork carried
out in rural areas, where the vast majority of  the Thai  population is
to be  found.)The Singhalese have a bilateral kinship system,similar
to  that of the Thais, and in Pul Eliya, as Leach has shown, kin ties,
real or putative, assume a great deal of importance as the basis for
the  formation of permanent groups. Marriages are arranged,kinship
ties invented or allowed to lapse according to the property interests
of  the individuals concerned. In  the  village  the  vital  resources of
land and water are in short supply;kinship provides the basis for the
formation of groups to protect individual  interests   in  these scarce
property holdings and to ensure day-to-day co-operation.

       The   same   factors   are   however  not   operative  in  village  Thai-
land, where neither technological  specialization  nor  economic  need
make group formation necessary to ensure present co-operation or to
protect    the   interests   of   the   next   generation. Thailand's    natural
resources are very plentiful. It  has  been  estimated  that  only  10% or
11%  of  the  total  area  is  cultivated  (Ingram  1955: 55), even  though
more land has been taken into cultivation over the  past  100  years, in


16)  See 'Pul Eliya—A  Village  in  Ceylon'  by E.R. Leach; (C.U.P. 1961)  The
       situation in Ceylon is of course made more  complex  by  the  existence
       of caste and other features of social organisation absent from Thailand.






12                                              Jane Bunnag


response  to  the  increasing  world  market demand for rice. But, even
now, the  typical   peasant   cultivator  aims  primarily  to  produce  suffi-
cient rice to support his family,and only when their needs are satisfied
does  he  sell  his  surplus. 'The  tendency ... is  for   the  household  to
live  on  its  own  rice  supplemented  by fish and vegetables  gathered
from   the  lush   countryside. Any  other   goods  such  as   cloth,  meat,
tools,animals  and  luxuries, are  bought  with  cash from the proceeds
of the sale  of  surplus  rice' (Wilson 1962 : 40).17 The  Thais  are  well
aware of their own good fortune,and the phrase nai nam mi pla nai na
mi khao
(There's fish in the water, there's rice in the fields)  expresses
quite succinctly their  recognition  of  the  country's  natural  abundance,
as  well  as  the  justifiable  confidence  that  it  is  possible  to   survive
there  without  having  to  work  too  hard.18  There  is  as yet no overall
pressure on land, since Thailand's area is about the same as  that  of
France,though her population is now approximately three-quarters that
of France. However, with a population  increasing  at  the  rate  of  over
3% per annum it may be merely  a  matter  of  time  before  a  situation
similar to that described by  Leach   for  rural  Ceylon  becomes opera-
tive.  Similarly,  as   the  economy  develops, it  is  clear  that specialist
occupational groupings will assume greater   importance, although at
the present time such associations are of only minor significance.

Evidence  in  support  of  Leach's  general  thesis  that "kinship
systems have no 'reality' at all except in relation to  land  and  property"
(Leach  1961  :  305) is  provided  by  the  fact  that  high-ranking  Thai
families tend to be much  more  cohesive  than  those  of  ordinary  vil-
lagers. Members of the aristocracy show a  much  greater  interest  in
kinship and pedigree; marriages are arranged with a view  to  consol-


 17)  This may well not apply to poorer areas in the North East Region of   Thai-

         land where there is greater pressure on land. (cf. Wijeyewardene  1957 :


18)  This expression is  derived  from  an  inscription  authorized  by  the  Thai

         monarch Ram Kham Haeng (c. 1292) (See G. Coedes, London 1966). It has

         since been incorporated into a popular song, and is quite often heard  in

         common speech.





                              LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?                        13


idating property holdings, and maintaining rank.19The high incidence
of intermarriage between this small number of families at  the  top  of
the social scale reflects and reinforces the internal  cohesiveness  of
this   privileged   minority;  the   hereditary   principle  is  an  important
mechanism for the allocation of scarce resources, houses and valua-
bles, titles and larger areas of land, usually in the capital.

The effects of the general abundance of material resources are
manifest   in  certain  features of  monastic  organisation. In  provincial
areas Buddhist bhikkhus move very freely between monasteries, and
only the abbot who, as an office-holder, has a stake in a particular wat
feels more inclined to stay  in  one  place.20This  general  freedom  of
movement is permissible largely by reason of  the  fact  that  wherever
a monk resides he receives an adequate amount of money, food  and
so on  from  the  householders  in  the  vicinity. There  is, by  and  large,
no need to restrict entry into certain monastic communities as they are
not differentiated with respect to their access  to  economic  and  other
resources.  In  Ayutthaya   the  monasteries  did  not  attempt  to  make
their estates into 'going  concerns' and  relied  on  direct  contributions
from   the   lay   community   for    their  support. In  many  cases  fields
belonging to monasteries were unused, or alternatively rented out  for
a nominal sum.

In certain areas of Bangkok  however, there  have  been  some
significant changes in this traditional pattern of balanced  supply  and
demand, changes  which  can  be  attributed  to  a  number  of  factors.
In the first place, in the capital there is a  much  denser  concentration
of monks, many of whom are drawn there by the educational facilities
offered by ecclesiastical schools and universities  in  the  capital;  but,
on the other hand,there is evidence of a general decline in lay support


19) According to the principle of  declining descent, after  five  generations,

      a family out of the line of royal  succession returns to commoner status,

      though rank may be maintained by making advantageous marriages.See

      Mary Haas 'The Declining Descent Rule for Rank in Thailand : A  Correc-

      tion'(Amer. Anthrop. 1951).

20) An abbot naturally loses his status if he moves to another wat,except in

      those cases where his move is entailed by promotion to a  higher  office

      attached to a more important monastery.






14                                                    Jane Bunnag


for the Sangha, as many residents of Bangkok are non-Buddhist,  and
non-Thai, and also because many metropolitan Thais are less interested
in spending money in support of  the monkhood  than  are  their  fellow
countrymen; in their case, conspicuous  consumption is more likely  to
take  the  form  of  the  acquisition  of  Western  luxury  goods  for  them-
selves  and  their  home or a Western education for their children, than
of lavish merit-making ceremonies.

In this  situation  many  monasteries  are  forced  to  rationalize
their economic behaviour in order to make  money  from  their  estates
as  they  can  no longer depend on direct lay contributions: in booming
Bangkok where land prices are rising rapidly,this is a relatively simple
operation.  But, in   such   circumstances, there   is some  evidence  to
suggest that the  individual  monastic  community  is  becoming  more
closed  and  cohesive, and  that  it  is  more difficult for a new-comer to
gain access because of the pressure on the limited resources available.
In many areas the individual monk can no longer obtain sufficient food
from his daily alms-round because  of  characteristics  peculiar  to  the
lay   community   in   Bangkok,  which   were   mentioned   above.  Con-
sequently, a  bhikkku  may  enter  into  a  formal contract with a  single
lay sponsor (uppathak) who  provides  him  with  a  regular  allowance
for food, books, travel, and other personal needs.21

With respect to the formation of groups with  political  functions
in  Thailand, it   should   be   noted   that  until  relatively  recently  such
behaviour  has  largely  been  restricted to those royal and  aristocratic
families  who  traditionally   took the initiative in managing thecountry's
affairs.22 As.I have already stated, there is a much greater awareness
of family  solidarity  amongst  this  privileged  élite; one  informant  told


21) In the traditional  situation  those  householders  who  wish  to  make  merit

      give rice to any monk who passes by the house on his morning round,with-

      out discrimination.

22) After the coup d'etat of 1932 political power passed out of  the  hands   of

      the royalty and aristocracy and into  those  of  the  small  group  of  military

      leaders who had successfully opposed the old regime.Nevertheless these

      old  Thai  families  still  form  a  privileged  elite, with   background   and  life-

      style in common.The Monarch—though shorn of any real authority—provides

      a major focus for nationalist sentiments.






                               LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?                           15


me   that   his   ancestry  could  be  traced  back  to  the  Ayutthaya  era
(1350-1767)  although   only   during  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth
centuries,  when   the   family   came   into  real  political  power,  were
genealogies specifically recorded,with the express purpose of exclud-
ing false claimants and very distant kin from the right to  highly valued
titles and position.

It is generally agreed that  most  people  in  Thailand, which  is
to  say  the  vast  rural  majority, are  not  'involved  in  politics' which  is
regarded 'as  properly  the  affair  of  politicians,  or,  more  broadly,  of
the   ruling   class'  (Wilson 1962: 57-8). It  should  be  added  that  the
political  élite  have  traditionally  preferred  urban  to rural society, and
have in consequence always resided in the capital,near to the seat of
power.23 There  is  not, and  never  has  been, a  rural  landlord class,
and the majority of peasant cultivators own the  land  they  cultivate.24
Furthermore, the fact  that  Thailand   has  escaped  colonization  may
have inhibited the development of strong  political   awareness, which
might have resulted in the formation of groups with political  functions.

Although  it  seems  clear  that  permanent  groups are not an
important  feature  of  Thai society, it  is, nevertheless, inevitable  that
short-term co-operative associations should be formed from time  to
time. In an article entitled 'Some  Aspects  of  Rural  Life  in  Thailand'
Wijeyewardene states that 'Thai society is  perhaps  most  satisfactorily
characterized as pragmatic, with organisation directed towards specific
and limited ends' and concludes by saying  that  'organizations arise
to fulfill specific tasks, but there is no  tradition  of  on-going  associa-
tions which may be called upon to fulfill any  task  which  might arise'
(Wijeyewardene  1967 : 83).Organizations  of   this  kind  are  indeed
familiar from many anthropological  studies  of  village  Thailand; the
mechanism for  reciprocal  exchange  of  labour  between  individual
farming households, known as ao raeng (to  take  one's strength) is
perhaps the one  most frequently  described (cf. Kaufman 1960 : 30).


                             23) See Wijeyewardene (1967 : 80) for a  concise  summary  of  the  traditional

                                    political situation.

                             24) 85% of cultivated land is operated by the owner (Ingram 1955 : 208) though

                                     the figure now may well be lower.






16                                                 Jane Bunnag


In many instances, religious observances and activities neces-
sitate the formation of a  co-operative  unit  wider  than  the  individual
family   or   household. The  merit-making  ceremonies  which   mark
crucial   points   in   the   individual   life-cycle,   ordination,  cremation,
house-blessing  and  so  on  customarily  involve  the  expenditure of
considerable  money  and  time. It  is believed to be better to hold  no
ceremony at all than  to  hold  one on a meagre scale. Consequently,
life-crisis rituals may be postponed for a considerable period of time,
until the host has saved up enough  money to  provide  an  adequate
display. Those friends and  relatives  with  whom  he  is  on  intimate
terms, as well as his colleagues, patrons and business associates, are
expected to express their continuing interest and  respect  by making
some contribution towards the costs. It is understood that the  favour
will be returned in due course provided that the relationship between
the parties concerned remains unchanged.25

The monks invited to officiate at any such ceremony are  also
related  to  the  host  in  a  variety  of  ways. Some  may  be friends or
relatives who have become monks,whilst others who attend  may  have
become acquainted with their host when he himself was a member  of
the Sangha.Several bhikkhus should be invited from that  monastery
which the sponsor of the ceremony regards as his local, and  one  or
more eminent monks may be invited on the basis of their reputations
as preachers or saiyasat,26rather than by reason of any previous link
with the host. Monks who are co-resident with  any  of  the  above  are
frequently asked along to make up the requisite number for the ritual


25) Reciprocity  does  not  obtain  between  individuals  of  unequal  status.  For

       a client to contribute a large amount of money  to a  merit-making  ceremony

       sponsored by his patron would be considered an absurd gesture  and  one

       implying  a   degree  of   intimacy  and  equality which did not exist. The sub-

       ordinate party is however expected to   attend and  to assist  in serving  the

       food etc. Conversely, a patron is expected to make  a cash  contribution  to

       ceremonies sponsored by his clients,although he may send the money with

       a third party, or may attend the ceremony only briefly.

 26) Saiyasat-see above Footnote 16,






                         LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?                       17


Thus the individuals,both monk and lay, who assemble on any
such  occasion,  can,  in  sociological  terms, be  seen  as  forming an
'action-set'   in   that   they  are  all  related  directly  or  indirectly   to  the
host, 'although a wide variety  of  bases  for  linkage  are  involved'  (Ma-
yer 1966:108). Such a grouping comes into being for a specific occasion
and is unlikely to be reproduced at any future date27.

In the light of the preceding paragraphs it is clearly necessary
to examine critically the contentions made by  a  number  of  anthropo-
logists that the practice of  Theravada  Buddhism  lies  at  the  root  of
the  problem  of   loose-structuring. My  material  would  suggest  that
Buddhism as it is implemented on the ground, as distinct from doctri-
nal Buddhism, serves to  promote  social  co-operation  and  that 'the
Buddhist emphasis on  primacy  of  individual  action  and  individual
responsibility' cannot be said to constitute 'a major   source  of  loose
relationships' (Phillips 1967 : 363-4).

Ideally  the  aim   of  all  Buddhists  is  to  achieve  Nirvana (lit.
Freedom  from Desire) by  renouncing  mundane  interests, and  the
volitional  actions (khamma) to  which  such  attachments  inevitably
lead. The  rare individual who, by following the teachings  and  exam-
ple of   the  Buddha, reaches  this  goal  will  not  be  reborn  into  the
suffering world. Suffering, as defined by the Buddha, arises from the
fact that everything is changing and impermanent; that all is dukkha.
All objects, material and immaterial are liable to decay and  transfor-
mation, hence, attachment to them can only bring distress to those so
linked. Even the entity which we call the Self is believed  to  have  no
permanent existence, being merely a combination of ever-changing
physical   and  mental  forces. Indeed, the  craving  for  the  material
world, for its ideas, opinions, and sensual delights, is based on the
mistaken idea of the Self which, in turn, derives from man's ignorance
of the transient (i.e. dukkha) quality of worldly things.

According to  orthodox Theravada  doctrine,  only a  monk,  a
man who has renounced secular life, can have any hope of reachin


                             27) Similar groupings come into being on the occasion of other religious cere-
                                    monies, notably at the end of the Lenten Season when parties of laymen
                                    take offerings of money, robes and material goods to the monastery of their
                                    choice. (See Jane Bunnag 1970 p. 88)






18                                               Jane Bunnag


Nirvana; the layman or householder who remains firmly rooted in the
material world, can  entertain  no  such  aspirations. In  practice  how-
ever, few  Thai  monks  consider  Nirvana to be a relevant goal; those
who  believe  it to be attainable  in  modern  times consider  that  only
after billions of years of tireless effort  can  they  or  their  contempora-
ries achieve this state. But, the majority of  bhikkhus  rationalize their
limited spiritual horizons by saying that although  the  Buddha and  a
few of his early followers  had  become Enlightened, this facility is no
longer available.

In actuality, both  Buddhist  monk  and  Buddhist  layman  seek
the same religious goal, which is to say,'the secondary compensation
of a prosperous rebirth' (Tambiah 1968:41). Acknowledging,then, that
he cannot renounce volitional action(khamma) the Buddhist attempts
to perform good khamma  which  brings  merit, and  to  avoid  actions
which   result   in   an  access  of  demerit  to  his  spiritual  store.  The
effects  of  either  type  of  activity  may  be  felt  immediately  or  after a
longer interval of time. Indeed the khammic  force  persists even after
death, when the balance of merit and demerit on the  actor's  spiritual
account determines his subsequent status; he may return to the world
in any animal or human form, or on   the  other  hand  his  return  may
be delayed if he is forced to spend  an  intervening  period  in  Hell, in
expiation  for  previous  misdeeds, or  if, alternatively, he  is rewarded
for meritorious action by being allowed some recreation in one of the
many Heavens of sensuous pleasure.28

For the monk, the essential merit-making activity is  the  study
and practice of the Dhamma (Word of the Buddha), although most of
the bhikkhus I knew spent a greater proportion of their time and energy
in    performing  ceremonies  for  laymen, an   activity   which   though,
strictly speaking, of secondary importance, also increases the  merit
balance of the monk.

For   the   Buddhist  layman, providing   material   support  for
members of the Buddhist Sangha constitutes the  most  meritorious


                             27) The fact that khammic reaction may be immediate or delayed may make it
                                   easier for the Thais as Buddhists to accept and to explain the very fluid
                                   nature of their society, but I would not posit a direct causal link between
                                   ideology and social behaviour.






                          LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?                       19


action. But any act of giving brings merit  and  a  person  can  improve
his spiritual status by acknowledging in some tangible form that society
requires him to assist his relatives and friends when the need arises.
Merit-making ceremonies performed at critical points in the individual
life-cycle provide the  individual  with  a  major  opportunity  to  reaffirm
his social ties with those involved, by sharing the burden of expenses.
Thus, the ideology of merit  provides  the  rationale  for  those  actions
which the anthropologist sees as tending to maintain and strengthen
existing social ties.29

Failure to recognise  that  there  might   be  a  hiatus  between
religious ideals and their practical implementation has led  the enthu-
siasts of Embree's original theory to  conclude  that  the  followers  of
Theravada Buddhism do indeed abandon their social ties and obliga-
tions;30 whereas in fact, as 1 have shown above,the emphasis is not
upon   giving  up,  but  upon  giving  for  a  specific  return: the  phrase
tham di dai  di (Do  good,  and  receive  good)  is  given  a  very  literal

Several students of Thai society have attributed the absence of
permanent  groups and  the  high  rate of mobility between roles to the
particular  personality  dispositions of the average Thai. These writers
claim that the individualistic  non-conforming Thai character, moulded
by   the   tenets   of   Theravada   Buddhism, make  it   both   practically
impossible and psychologically unnecessary  for  individual  actors  to
enter  into  social  co-operation on a long-term basis. This claim  com-
pounds  a  double  fallacy. In  the  first  instance  the  practice of Thera-
vada Buddhism requires a certain degree of  co-operation, and  most
individuals   are  involved   in  a  number  of  reciprocal  exchanges  of


29. The phrase tham bun (to make merit) is generally used  to mean 'to give
material support' although generosity in other forms and many other acti-
vities also bring merit.

30. The fact that 'the whole complex cosmology relating to  the  accumulation
of merit and demerit is phrased in terms of the individual's lonely journey
through  cycles of   interminable  existences, working out  his own  moral
destiny (Phillips 1967 : 363) has little  relevance  on  a  behavioural  level.

31. See 'The Dhammapada v. 116-122 (Transl,by Narada Thera;John Murray,
London 1954).







20                                                  Jane Bunnag

money and of practical assistance, for which merit-making ceremonies
provide  the  occasion, and  the ideology of merit the rationale; however
there  is  in  Thai  society  little  pressure  upon  individuals  to  form per-
manent  groups, because  there  is  no  permanent  need, arising  from
economic or political considerations, to do so.32

In the second place I would suggest that  Embree, Phillips  and
others  are mistaken  in  describing   the  Thais  as 'individualistic' as it
seemed  to  me  that  individualism  was  not   a  particularly  important
ingredient  in  the   Thai   character, nor   highly   valued   by   them. The
deference given to seniority  of  age, the  assumption  that  if  you  have
lived    longer  then  you  automatically  know  better (an  attitude  which
is closely related  to  the  relatively  undifferentiated  and  until  recently,
unchanging,economic situation)does not suggest that the Thais are a
nation    of   radicals. There   is  in   fact   very  little   value   attached   to
innovation   or   originality;  even   at   the   university   level   teaching  is
largely by rote; discussion is not encouraged  nor demanded, and   the
pupil  accepts  the  word  of  his  teacher. Indeed,  the  Thais  recognize
and  approve  of  their  own  ability  to  lien  baep  (to imitate or copy),  a
talent which enables them to adapt themselves very easily, at  least as
far as outward forms are concerned, to alien  cultural  influences  from
the West, or increasingly from Japan.33

I would suggest, in conclusion, that in some respects the Thai
social system presents us with a situation which is the reverse of that
with which we are familiar from  most  of  the  classic  anthropological


 32). Nadel's cogent criticisms of the Culture and Personality approach are  also

        relevant here (See Nadel 1951 : 407).

 33). In Thailand, for centuries  past, artistic  impulses have largely  been   spent

        in the production of  Buddha images,and the decoration of monastery walls

        with frescoes  depicting episodes from Hindu epics, from  the  birth-stories

        of  the Buddha etc. As far as the Buddha images are  concerned, although

        there has naturally been  stylistic evolution, the emphasis  has  been  upon

        reproducing iconographie details correctly,or in some cases upon  copying

        other images believed to be particularly powerful or auspicious,rather than

        upon   originality. Indeed  the  authorship  of  works of Buddhist art is very

        rarely recorded.







                          LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?                      21


sources.34 It is for instance usual  to  emphasize  that  strong  local  or
kin-group ties are an ever, present threat to the coherence of the wider
social   unit. A   number   of  institutions  and  practices  (exogamy,  the
incest taboo, age-sets, ritual observances and so on) are  believed  to
counteract  these  fissive  tendencies  by  promoting  the  formation  of
cross-cutting  links  and  creating  a  relationship  of  interdependence
between the parts which make up the whole(cf.Gluckman1961:44-47).
In   Thailand, by   contrast, there   are   very    few   corporate  groups,or
permanent   co-operative  groupings  of  any kind, which at  the level of
individual   behaviour means that  actors  move  quite  easily  between
roles, both within and between spheres of activity,and freely relinquish
ties   which  they  no  longer  consider  to  be  of   any  importance. This
fluid  situation  is  largely  the  outcome of   the political  and  economic
situation outlined above, and is found in association with,and perhaps
permitted  by, an  exceptionally  strong  sense  of  identification, on  the
part  of  people at  all  levels  of  society, to  the  wider  unit, which  is  to
say, to  the  Thai  state and its  symbols; the  most  important  of  these
being the Monarchy, and the Buddhist Sangha


34). Eg. 'The Nuer'—E.E. Evans-Pritchard (Oxford, Clarendon Press 1940) or
       'The  Dynamics  of  Clanship  Amongst  the  Tallensi' M.  Fortes  (London.
       O.U.P. for the International African Institute 1945)






22                                                        Jane Bunnag



bunnag Jane Monk-Layman Interaction in  Central  Thai  Society (In Memoriam
Phya Anuman Rajadhon. The Siam Society, Bangkok 1970)

caldwell J.C. The   Demographic   Structure. In   Thailand : Social   and  Econo-
mic Studies in Development (ed. T.H. Silcock; A.N.U. 1967 p. 27-64)

Coeues G. The Making of South East Asia(Routledge and Kegan Paul;London

Dutt Sukumar  The  Buddha   and  Five  After-Centuries (Luzac & Co.  Ltd.  Lon-
don 1957)

Embree J.F. Thailand : a loosely  structured  social  system (Amer.Anthrop. 52.
1950 p. 181-193)

Evans-PritciHard E.E. The Nuer. (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1940)

Evers Hans-Dieter Loosely Structured Social Systems : Thailand  in Compara-
tive Perspective (Yale University Southeast Asia Studies 1969)

fortes M. The  Dynamics of  Clanship  among  the Tallensi (London.  O.U.P.for
the International African Institute. 1945)

Glugkman Max (ed.) Essays  on  the  Ritual  of  Social  Relations  (Manchester
University Press 1962)

Haas M.R. The  Declining  Descent  Rule  for  Rank  in  Thailand : A Correction
(Amer. Anthrop. XXIII. 1951 p. 585-587)

Hanks L.M. Merit   and   Power   in    the  Thai  Social  Order (Amer. Anthrop. 64.
1962. p. 1247-1261)

Hanks L.M. Thailand : Equality  Between  the  Sexes. In  Women  in   the   New
Asia (ed.) Barbara Ward UNESCO Paris 1963 p. 424-452

hunter G. Thailand Manpower Survey for the Thai Government. Mimeographed
Report for UNESCO Paris (c. 1963)

ingram J.C. Economic Change in Thailand since 1850 (Stanford 1955)

kaufman H.K. Bangkhuad (J.J. Augustin, Locust Valley, New York 1960)

Leach E.R. Political Systems of Highland Burma (Bell and Sons Ltd. London

Leagu E.R. Pul Eliya (Cambridge University Press 1961)

mayer A.C. The Significance of Quasi-Groups in the Study of Complex Socie-
ties. In The  Social  Anthropology  of Complex Societies. ASA 4. (ed.)
Michael Bauton (Tavistock Publications 1966 p. 97-121)







                               LOOSE STRUCTURE : FACT OR FANCY ?                                  23


Mendelson E.M. Initiation and the Paradox of Power : a  Sociological  Approach.
JnInitiation (ed.) C.J. Bleeker. (E.J. Brill Leiden 1965 p. 214-222)

Mosel J. Some Notes on Self, Role and Role Behaviour of Thai Administrators
(Asian Studies 502. Thailand Seminar Cornell University 1965)

Nadel S.F. The Foundations of Social  Anthropology (Cohen  & West  Ltd.  Lon-
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Nadel S.F. The Theory of Social Structure (Cohen & West Ltd. 1962)

NARADA Thera The Dhammapada (John Murray. London 1959)

NASH Manning The  Golden Road  to  Modernity (John  Wiley & Sons  Inc . New
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Boston 1967 p. 346-367)

Phillips H.P. Thai Peasant Personality (Univ. of California Press 1965)

Rajadhon Anuman Life and Ritual in Old Siam (trans and ed. by William J.
Gedney H.R.A.F. Press, New Haven 1961)

Tambiah S.J. The Ideology of Merit and the Social Correlates of Buddhism in
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WiJEYEWARDENE G.Some Aspects of Rural Life in Thailand. in Thailand:Social
and Economic Studies in Development (ed.) T.H. Silcock. (A.N.U.
1967 p. 65-83)

Wilson D.A. Politics in Thailand (Cornell University Press 1962)


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