The Early SYÂM in Burma's History. พิมพ์ อีเมล
เขียนโดย G. H. Luce   

LUCE, G.H. THE EARLY SYAM IN BURMA'S HISTORY. JSS. VOL.46 (pt.2) 1958. p.123-213.

 

 

 

                    THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY

 

                                                    by

                                             G. H. Luce

 

 

                                                     1

          Not  long  ago, I  was asked  to give an opinion  about a  pro-
posal to write the  history of  the Shans. The proposal came from a
Shan scholar for whom I  have great respect, and  who  was as well-
fitted   as  any  Shan   I    know   to   do   the   work. He planned to
assemble   copies   of   all   the  Shan  State  Chronicles extant; to
glean all references to the Shan States in Burmese Chronicles; and
finally   to   collect  source   materials  in   English. Such,  in   brief,
was  the  plan. I  had  to  point  out  that   it  omitted what,  for   the
older  periods  at  least, were  the   most  important  sources of  all:
the   original   Old  Thai   inscriptions  of  the north, the  number  of
which, if   those   from  East  Burma, North   Siam   and  Laos,  are
included, may  well   exceed   a  hundred;1 and  the  dated contem-
porary   records   in   Chinese,  from   the  13th   century   onwards.
I do not know if  these  sources  have   been  adequately  tapped in
Siam.  They   certainly     have    not   in    Burma.  And   since  the
earlier  period, say  1250  to 1450  A.D., is  the   time  of  the mass-
movements   of    the   Dai2   southward    from   Western   Yünnan,
radiating   all   over   Further   India   and  beyond,  the   subject  is
one,  I   think,   that  concerns   Siam  no  less  than  Burma. I  am
a poor  scholar  of  Thai; so I shall confine myself here  to  Chinese
and  Burmese  sources. The Chinese ones are mainly the dynastic
histories  of   the  Mongols   in  China (the Yuan-shih) and  the  his-
tory   of   the  earlier  half  of   the   Ming   dynasty (the   Ming-shü).
The  short, well-dated   entries   in  the   Court  annals (pên-chi)  of
these   histories   can   often   be   amplified   by   reference  to the
sections    on    geography    (ti-li-chih),  to     the    biographies  of
individuals    (lieh-chuan),  and    accounts   of    foreign   countries.

 

 

 

 

124                                     G. H. Luce

 

          My  enquiry here has been prepared during  a  rather short
period  of  time, and  I  have  certainly  failed   to  collect  all   the
references. But I have got on to cards about   150  dated   entries
in  the Yüan-shih  relating  to  the  history  of   Dai   peoples, and
perhaps 200  under  the  early  Ming. Here, at  least, is   a useful
chronological  frame   into which  a  more complete  story  of  the
old   inscriptions   and    the   later   chronicles   may   be   fitted.

 

                                                2

 

          But first, a  word about   names. The  word  Syām, accord-
ing   to  Professor Coedès,3 first  appears  in  Cham  inscriptions
of   the  11th   century; then   in   Khmer,  on   the  bas-reliefs  of
Angkor  Vat  in  the  12th.  Syam,Syaṁ  ( written  with   a  short
vowel, and  final  m  or AnusvĂāra ),occurs over twenty  times  in
the  inscriptions of Pagan, the earliest  being  dated  1120 A.D.,4
one  of  the  earliest  in   Burmese. The  word  occurs  usually  in
the  lists   of   pagoda-slaves, male  and   female; it  is rarely  pre-
fixed to  the  name, when  it  should  really  mean  a   Shan; it  is
generally  suffixed, when   it  may mean  merely  that  the person
had a fair complexion, like a Shan. One Syam  was a Saṁbyaṅ,5
an  Old  Mon  title   for  a   high  government  official. One  of  the
Syaṁ slaves was a  woman-dancer,6 one  a  pattern-weaver, one
a  turner.8 These  names  are  recorded  at  Pagan,and  there  is
nothing else to  show  where  the   slaves came from. But   there
is   a   place, Khantī, often   mentioned   in   Pagan   inscriptions9
which  is  doubtless  derived  from  Shan Khaṁ-tī, "golden  place."
The  name  probably  implies  that  the  inhabitants  were  largely
Shan.  Khantï   was   an   important   place, with   canal-irrigation
and   rice   fields, in  "the  Six  Kharuin"  ( Minbu  district), on the
west  bank  of   the  Irrawaddy about  80  miles below Pagan.The
other   Shan  Khaṁtīs  of   the Upper Chindwin, P'u-t'ao, etc., are
only mentioned at a later date.*10

 

 

 

 

 

                   THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                         125

 

          The   Chinese   name   for   the   northern  or   northwestern
Shans, variously  written   and   pronounced,  was  Pai-i.  I  find   it
first  in  the  Yüan-shih  under  the date 1278, with characters mea-
ning  "White Clothes";11 next  under  the that 1287, with  the  char-
acters "White Barbarians."12 Of  the twenty-odd  mentions of  Pai-i
I   have   found   in  Yüan   texts,  about   half   are   written  "White
Clothes"   and   half,  "White   Barbarians." In  1397, early   in   the
Ming   dynasty,  the  author  of  the   first  considerable monograph
on   the  northern  Shans, the  Pai-i-chuan,13 employs  yet  a  third
variant,   "the    Hundred   Barbarians". Other    variants   occur   in
modern  books.  The  application of   the   term   in  Yüan  texts  is
usually  (not  always)  confined   to   a   small   area  of   the  Sino-
Burman border, mostly  between  the Irrawaddy and   the  Salween.
To the  northeast, in 1325,  there  were  Pai-i who  raided  Yün-lung
chou,14  just   east   of   the  Salween  and  west of Ta-li fu. To  the
southwest  were  the   Pai-i   of   Mêng   Nai   tien,15 who   in  1285
stopped, near Tagaung, the  peace mission  sent  by  the  King   of
Burma.  The  term  was   not   generally  applied  to    Dai   peoples
south of the Shan States of Burma.

 

                                                 3

 

          On   January   7th,  125316   Khubilai   Khan   captured  Ta-li,
the  capita  of  old  Nan-chao. The  city   fell   with   surprising  ease,
partly  because  of  the suddenness of  the attack (which  was  quite
unprovoked),partly  because  the  members  of the ruling Tuan family
were  weakened   by  their  struggle  with   their  Kao  ministers. But
the  conquest  of  the  kingdom was not so easy. Khubilai's  general,
Uriyangqatai,17   was   a   master   of   the   art    of    war.  He  had
fought,  with   his   father,  the   great   Sübötai,  from  Korea  in  the
east   to   Poland  and  Germany  in the west. Yet it  took   him  four
years   of  continual   fighting  before, in 1257,  he  could   report  the
pacification   of   Yünnan.  Afterwards, he   conquered  Tongking   in

 

 

 

 

126                                        G. H. Luce

 

one    campaign;  and   within  two  years  he  had  fought  his way
northeast,  through the  rear  of  the  Sung, by   the   way   through
Kuangsi, Kueichou  and Hunan, to  rejoin  his   master   in   Hupeh,
on  the  south bank  of  the Yangtzŭ. "From  the  time  of   entering
the  enemy's   frontier, " says  his  biography, "he  had fought  time
after   time   over   a   thousand  li, and  had  never  been  defeated.
Thirteen   battles,  great  and  small, he had fought, and  killed over
400,000 of  the Sung troops, and  taken  prisoner, great and  small,
three  of  their  generals. " Early   in   1261, he  died, not  long after
Khubilai   had  ascended  the  throne  of  China  as   the   Emperor
Shih Tsu.

 

          Professor Coedès, to whom all of us students of  Southeast
Asian   history  owe  an   inestimable  debt,  has  argued  that  Dai
penetration of  the south was an old  and  gradual   process, not  a
sudden  influx   due  to   the  Mongol  conquest  of   Yünnan.18  He
points, with  due  reservation  it  is  true, to   the  alleged  founding
of   Mogaung   in   1215, Mong  Mai   (in  the  S. Shan  States)  in
1223, and   the   Ahom  conquest  of  Assam  in  1229. So  far  as
Burma  and  Assam  are concerned, I  feel  that  these early dates,
based  on  late  tradition, should  be  regarded  with   suspicion. In
the  13th  century, after  the  final  conquest   of   Tagaung (Takoṅ)
and the Kadu (Kantū) in 1228 A.D.,19 right  down  to  the   Mongol
conquest, the power and  prestige of  Pagan were at their  highest
in  the  north. Kaungzin  (Koṁcaṁ)  is  mentioned  in  inscriptions
in  1245, and  probably  in 1237. It  was  then  ruled  by  the Mahā-
saman  minister,  Manorājā, uncle  of   the  king,  exercising  wide
powers,  it   seems, in   Upper   Burma.20  Kaungzin   was  a  few
miles south of modern Bhamo, on the east bank of  the Irrawaddy.
Perhaps  at  Bhamo  itself, guarding   the  junction of  the Ta-p'ing
River  and  the  Irrawaddy, was    the old  fortress (mruiw)  of  Nga-
hsaung-chan (Ṅa  Choṅ  Khyaṁ), first  mentioned in 1196  among
the  northern  boundaries of the kingdom  of  Narapatisithu (Cañsū
II).21 So   far   as  Upper  Burma  was concerned, this  was  not a
likely   time   for   big   movements  or  concentrations  of   Shans;

 

 

 

 

 

            THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                  127

 

nor, apart from late Chronicles  and  the  Ahom  Buranji, is  there

any record of them.

 

          After    Khubilai's   conquest  of   Ta-li in   1253,  the   Kao
ministers (who had murdered Khubilai's envoys)  were   executed
by   the  Mongols. The  Tuan   ruling   family   retained    its   title,
mahārāja. One  of  the  family, Hsin-chü-jih,22 rose  high   in   the
Mongol service, and  played  an  important  part   on  the  Burma
frontier. He  died  in 1282, "having  ruled  Ta-li   for   altogether 23
years, " from   about   1259   onwards.  Uriyangqatai  drove  east,
leaving   this   frontier comparatively quiet. No  wonder, then, that
the   Pai-i, who  did  not  move  south,  tended   to   cluster  here.

 

                                               4

 

The    ancient   dwellers     in      these    parts,   southwest    of
Ta-li, were   known   to   the   Chinese, from  the  T'ang  dynasty
onwards, as the "Gold Teeth."23 Pan  Ch'o, author of   the Man—
shu24  (863   A.D.),  describes   them    thus : "...  miscellaneous
tribes   of   Yung-ch'ang   and   K'ai-nan. The   Gold  Teeth  barba-
rians use carved plates of  gold  to  cover their  front  teeth. When
they have business and  go  out  to   interview   people, they  use
these  as   an  adornment. When   they   eat, they  remove  them."
There   is    little   doubt   but   that    these   Gold   Teeth    were
the    original   Austric-speaking    peoples,   Palaung-BiangLawa,
who    once,  before    the    arrival   of   Tibeto-Burman  speakers
and    Shans, covered    the   whole  north  of   Burma. When  the
proto-Burmans, on   their   way   to   Kyaukse, crossed  Western
Yünnan  and the Northern  Shan States in the  8th  and  early 9th
centuries, they occupied, as  the  Man-shu"25shows,much of  the
T'êng-yüeh/Yung-ch'ang   area,  between   the   'Nmai   Hka   and
the  Mekong. At   this  time  the  easternmost  of   these  Austric
speakers, the Lawa, must  have  been pushed east  towards their
present   centres, the   hills   east  of   the   Salween. When   the

 

 

 

 

 

128                                       G. H. Luce

 

Burmans  passed  on  into  the  plains of Burma, a vacuum was left,
into   which    the   Pai-i   tended    steadily   to   drift. The  Mongol
conquest  of  Yünnan  must  have  greatly  increased  the pressure.
But  the  term  "Gold  Teeth"  continued  to  be  used  for the whole
area, including   Lawa,  now   mostly   to   the   east   beyond   the
Salween, and  Pai-i, massing   on   the  Burma border between the
Salween and the Irrawaddy.

 

          The  position  is  shown clearly in  the geographical section
of the Yüan-shih: 26 "Comfortership of Gold Teeth and other places.
Their   land   is   south   west   of     Ta-li.  The   Lan-ts'ang  chiang
(the Mekong)  bounds  it  to  the  east. It  joins  on  to  the land  of
Mien  (Burma)    on   the   west.  The   native  southern  barbarians
comprise   altogether   eight   kinds,  namely,  the  Gold Teeth, the
Pai-i, the   P'o,27  the   O-ch'ang,28 the    P'iao,29 the  Hsieh,30 the
Ch'ü-lo,31  and    the    Pi-su....32  In     the     time   of    the   Tuan
family    the    Pai-i  and    other   southern    barbarians   gradually
returned to their former land. Thereafter  the  Gold  Teeth and  other
southern  barbarians  slowly  began   to   flourish.  In  the  4th  year
of   Hsien  Tsung   of    the   Yüan   dynasty  (1254  A.D.), the paci-
fication  of  Ta-li took   place, and   then  an  expedition  was  made
against   the   Pai-i    and   other    southern    barbarians.  At    the
beginning   of   the  chung-t'ung   period  (1260-3 A.D.), the  various
chieftains  of   the Gold  Teeth  and  Pai-i each sent  their  sons  or
younger  brothers  to   Court  with   tribute. In  the  2nd  year  (1261
A.D.)  there  was  set  up  a   Comfortership  (an-fu-ssŭ)  to  control
them.33  In    the   8th  year  of   chih-yüan  (1271   A.D.), the  Gold
Teeth   and   the  Pai-i   were   divided   to   form    the   Comforters
(an-fu-shih)  of  two Road, ads, the eastern  and  the  western.34  In
the 12th year (1275  A.D.), the  Western  Road  was  changed  into
Chien-ning   Road,  and    the    Eastern   Road    into   Chên-k'ang
Road.35  In  the  15th  year (1278   A.D.)  the  an-fu   was changed
into   hsüan-fu, and   the   office  of  the   tsung-kuan  (Governor) of
the  Six   Roads  was  set  up.  In the  23rd  year  (1286  A.D. ) the

 

 

 

 

 

               THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                   129

 

hsüan-fu-ssü of the two Roads was abolished, and both were placed
under  the  hsüan-fu-ssŭ of  Ta-li, Gold  Teeth   and   other  places."

 

          There   follows   a   detailed   account   of   the  Six   Roads :
Jou-yüan   Road,36   "south   of    Yung-ch'ang,"   was   nearest    to
Ta-li and   furthest   to   the   northeast.  It   was   largely   inhabited
by   P'o. Perhaps  it   lay  south  along  the  main  road  from  Yung-
ch'ang  to  T'êng-yüeh. South  of   it  was  Chên-k'anq Road, the  ori-
ginal  " Eastern  Road, "   between  the  Mekong  and  the  Salween.
It   was  inhabited  by  the "Black P'o";37 but  the  main   inhabitants
of    the   hillier   parts,  I    imagine,  then    as   now    were   Lawa.
Chên-k'ang  is  shown  on   Davies'  map  of  Yünnan.38   Mang-shih
Road,39 "south  of  Jou-yüan  and  west  of   the  Salween,"  is also
shown  on  the  map,W. NW. of  Chên-k'ang, between  the Salween
and  the  Upper  Shweli. Chên-hsi  Road40   was  "due west  of  Jou-
yüan,   parted   from   it    by   Lu-ch'uan."   Its   headquarters   was
Kan-ê,  modern  Kan-ai,  southwest   of   T'êng-yüeh.  It   contained,
as   Huber   has   shown,  the  rivers A-ho (the Ta-p'ing), and   A-hsi
(the  Nam  Ti ), its  southern  tributary    from   Nan-tien.   Lu-ch'uan
Road,41 he   says, corresponds   to  the  Salween valley, and P'ing-
mien   Road42  to   that  of   the  Shweli. P'ing-mien contained  "the
four    farms   of    Lo-pi"  and  "Little  Sha-mo-lung",  which   Huber
rightly   places   in   Möng  Hum State, along  the northern  affluent
of   the  Shweli, south of  Nan-tien  and   Kan-ai. As   for  Lu-ch'uan,
he  has  reason, but  I   do  not   think  he  is  right, in  placing it  in
the  Salween  valley  (see  his p. 669, n. 3).The  text  itself   places
it "east  of  Mang-shih." But   the  whole   subsequent   history   of
Lu-ch'uan,43    constantly   linked   with   P'ing-mien, and   of   such
paramount importance under the early Ming,  points  to   the Upper
Shweli or Mao valley, not  the  Salween.44  Here  was  the   capital
of "the  Maw Shans," Sèlan, on  the  Burma  border 13 miles  east
of  Nam  Hkam.The  description in the Yüan-shih suggests a  long
valley,  with   'head,'   'middle,'   and   'tail.'  It     is   likely   enough
that  its  headquarters, during   its  long  struggle  with   the   Ming,
was moved for safety from the upper end to the lower.

 

 

 

 

 

 

130                                  G. H. Luce

 

          It  is  stated  that   Chên-hsi (Kan-ai), Lu-ch'uan and  P'ing-
mien   were   all   peopled   by   Pai-i; Nan-shan,45   northwest  of
Chên-hsi, by   Pai-i  and  O-ch'ang.  It  is   not  stated   who   the
inhabitants of Mang-shih  were. East  of  these  were  the  P'o  or
P'o-i, which  name  may  be   a   variant  of   Pai-i,  and  who  are
doubtless the Gold Teeth. Since Gold  Teeth (nearest  to  China)
was used as a name for the  whole, we need  to  remember  that
it may  really mean the Pai-i, especially when it  refers  to  those
who live on the Burma border.

 

                                               5

 

          The  Pai-i hated, no doubt, their Mongol masters, who had
ejected  them  from  their ancestral homes ; but unable at first  to
fight  back, they  were quick  to  make  use of  them  to  conquer
perhaps  a  safer  country farther  south. The  Mongol creed  was
simple: There  is  one  Sun  in  Heaven, one  Emperor   on  Earth.
The   Emperor   Shih  Tsu   (Khubilai)   had   set   his   heart   on
conquering  Southeast  Asia.  It  was  not  difficult   for   the Pai-i
to  induce  the  Yünnan government, in  1271, to send  an  envoy,
Kïtaï-toyin,46  to  the Pagan Court, demanding  submission. Shih
Tsu  sent  him again, in 1273, with an imperial  letter  threatening
invasion.47  In  1275, Ho  T'ien-chio, the  old  Comforter of   Chien-
ning  Road, made  his  report  showing  the Pai-i intrigues behind
these  missions.48 He  had  gathered  information  from  A-kuo,49
''Chief   of   the   Gold  Teeth": "The  reason  why  Kϊtöϊ-toyin was
sent   to   Mien, was  because  of  my  father, A-pi.50 In  the  9th
year  of  chih-yüan, 3rd  month   (Mar.  3lst-Apr. 28th, 1272),  the
king  of  Mien, hating   my   father, A-pi, led an army  of   several
myriads   to   invade  our  land, captured  my   father,  A-pi,  and
departed. There  was nothing  for it but to offer  a  heavy  ransom
to Mien, and so secure his  release. From  that   time  onward  I
have regarded  the  people of Mien-chnug (Central Burma)  as   a
mere pack of dogs." Ho  T'ien-chio  adds, " At present  Mien has
sent A-ti-pa51 and others, nine in all, to spy out  the  movements

 

 

 

 

 

                   THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTOR                     131

 

of  his  people. The  present  head  of  the  Pai-i is  a   relation  of
A-kuo, and  neighbour  to  Mien. He  has  stated  that   there  are
three   routes   to   enter  Mien : one  by  T'ien-pu-ma,52  one   by
P'iao-tien, and  one  by  the  borders  of   A-kuo's land.  All  meet
at   Chiang-t'ou  city  of   Mien.  Moreover,  a   relative  of   A-kuo,
A-t'i-fan,53   is   in   Burma,  holding   five   tien  (native   districts),
each of over a myriad households ; he desires to submit to China.
A-kuo wants first to call  A-t'i-fan  and  those  of  the  Gold  Teeth
who have not yet yielded, and make them lead the way."

 

          Already, on January 24th, 1271,54 "the chieftains  of  three
tribes of Gold Teeth and P'iao  kingdom, A-ni Fu-lo-ting  and  A-ni
Chao, came and submitted, and offered 3 tame eleqhants  and 19
horses." They  were  probably  near  the  Ta-p'ing  road to  Burma.
A-kuo, another "chief  of  the  Gold Teeth" and certainly on one of
the three routes (Huber  was  probably right  in  taking it to be the
ordinary caravan route that ran along the south  bank  of  the Nam
Ti and Ta - p'ing), was  related  to  the  "head  of  the  Pai-i, neigh-
bour  to  Burma"; also  to  A-t'i-fan, ruler of   five   native   districts
within  Burma  itself. It   is   pretty  clear that they were all Shans,
strung  out  along  a  line  leading  from  T'êng-yüeh  into   Burma,
some   of   them   very  likely  along  the  edge of the hills east of
the Irrawaddy.

 

          In   the  11th  month  of  the 12th  year  (November  19th—
December 18th, 1276) Yünnan reports: "We have sent persons to
discover  news of  the  ambassadors; but  the  P'u rebels blocked
the  way. But  now  the  P'u have  mostly  submitted and the road
is    already    open.   The   person   we   sent,  A-ho, governor  of
Kan-ê (Kan-ai) of Gold Teeth, has found out that the ambassadors
all reached Mien safely."55

 

          Whoever    the   P'u56   barbarians   may  have  been  (one
modern  Chinese  scholar, at  least, regards  them as Pai-i), they
must    have   been   near   Nan-tien;  for   early   in  1277,  Hu-tu
(Qudu?), Hsin-chü-jih, and   T'o-lo-t'o-hai "were  ordered   by   the
Emperor  toc  hastise  the  yet  unsubdued tribes of T'êng - yüeh,

 

 

 

 

 

132                                    G. H. Luce

 

the  P'u,  P'iao, A-ch'ang  and  Gold  Teeth  west  of  Yung-ch'ang,

and to station themselves at Nan - tien".57 Whether or  not  Huber
was  right  in  regarding  A-ho, the  Gold  Teeth governor of Kan-ai,
as identical with A-kuo, it  is  probable  that  he too  was  a  Shan.

 

          "In    the   14th   year, 3rd   month58    (April   5th-May  4th,
1277), the  people  of  Mien, bearing  a  grudge  against  A-ho  for
his submission (to China), attacked  his  land and  sought to  set
up   stockades   between  T'êng-yüeh  and  Yung-ch'ang. ... They
were   altogether   about   forty   or   fifty   thousand   men,  eight
hundred    elephants, and   ten   thousand   horses." Hu-tu,  Hsin-
chü-jih  and  T'o-lo-t'o-hai, called  to  the  rescue   from   Nan-tien,
arrived    with    barely    seven    hundred   men. After  two  days
of  fighting,  "over 30 li",  capture  of  17  stockades, and "pursuit
north  as  far  as  a  narrow  mountain  mouth", and  finally as far
as  Kan-ai, only  one  soldier on the Mongol side was killed by a
captured  elephant, not  by  the  Burmans. The  Burmese   dead
filled  three big  ditches, and  many   prisoners   were   captured.
"Those  who  escaped, were  intercepted and killed by A-ho and
the A-ch'ang; so that those who got back were not many."

 

          Huber   points  out   that   Nan-tien,59   according   to  the
Ta-ming-i-t'ung-chih    before  its  occupation   by   the   Mongols,
was called Nan-sung or Nang-sung; and the pass leading thence
towards   T'êng-yüeh  is  still, he  says, called  Nang-sung  kuan,
i.e.,  frontier-gate  of  Nang-sung.  And  he  proceeds  to  identify
Nang-sung-kuan   with   Nga-chong-khyam, the  fortress  (mruiw)
where  the  fatal  battle  was  fought   which  Burmans, from  that
day  to  this, have  always  regarded   as   a    national   disaster.
Phonetically,   the    identification   is  impossible.  The   "narrow
mountain-mouth" to  which  the  pursuit  led, was in the direction
of  Kan-ai,  not  of   T'êng-yüeh. The   battle, whose   description
shows  internal  signs  of  gross exaggeration, was, as admitted
elsewhere  in  Huber's  text.  (p.664), merely  a  frontier  incident.
And  we  know, from  a  contemporary   inscription  at  Pagan,60

 

 

 

 

 

               THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                      133

 

that  Ṅā  Choṅ  Khyam mruiw was still held by  the  Burmans in
1278, a year after this incident.

 

                                                6

 

          What  is  chiefly  striking  about  the raid  is not its failure'
but  the  reckless  daring  of  the Burmans in attempting it. They
should  have   known, from   Uriyangqatai's  campaigns, what  a
terrible enemy they were  bound to  provoke. The Mongols  were
not slow to  react. "In  the  10th  month61 (Oct. 28th—Nov. 26th,
1277),  Yünnan  province  sent  Nâśir  ed-Dîn,62  Comforter  and
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  various  Roads  of   Yünnan, at the
head of over 3,840 ( Huber— 3,800 ) men, consisting of Mongols,
Ts'uan,63 P'o and  Mo-so, to  invade  Mien. He  reached  Chiang-
t'ou Shên-jou ( ? ),64 where  the  chieftain  Hsi-an had set up his
stockade, and obtained the submission of over 300 stockades,65
including Mu-nai, Mu-yao,  Meng T'ieh,  Mu-chü, Mu-t'u,   Mo-yü;
the submission, also, of  the  native  officials  P'u-chê  of Ch'ü-la
with  four  thousand  households;  Ai  Lü  of  Mêng   Mo  with  a
thousand households;of Mo -nai, Mêng K'uang and  Li ( v.1.Hei )-
ta-pa-la with  twenty thousand households; of   the native official
of   Mêng    Mang   tien  (native   district),  Fu-lu-pao,  with   ten
thousand households; and of  Mu (v.1. Shui)-tu-tan-t'u  with  200
households. On  account  of  the  hot  weather  the   army   was
withdrawn." The  official  report  apparently  reached   the   capi-
tal  only  on  July  27th, 1279,66  stating  that Nâśir  ed-Dîn,  "at
the   head   of  the  Ta-li army, had   reached  Gold  Teeth,   P'u,
P'iao, Ch'ü-la, and  within   the  frontier  of   Mien  kingdom.   He
had summoned 300  stockades  to  surrender, including   Mang,
Mu Chü, Mu T'u, etc., and registered 110, 200 households.  The
Emperor ordered the fixing of taxes and land-rents  and   setting
up of post-stages and garrison troops. When the army  returned,
they offered twelve tame elephants to the Emperor."

 

 

 

 

 

 

134                                     G. H. Luce

 

          Nâśir   ed-Dîn  reached  Chiang-t'ou, or   perhaps rather
(if the emendation suggested in note 64 is accepted ) Ṅa Choṅ
Khyaṁ  just  above  it, near  Bhamo. It  does  not  seem likely
that he  took  it. The  other  names  are  not  easy   to identify.
Much  of  this old  Shan  region has been overrun by Palaungs
and  Kachins. The  first  name, Mu  Nai, may  be  a  variant for
Mêng  Nai  or  Mang Nai, the  old  name for the north of. Möng
Mit  State.67  The  five  (unnamed)  tien  or  native  districts  in
Burma  ruled  by  A-ti-fan, who,  two  years  earlier, wished  to
submit to the Mongols, may well be included in the  list. Mêng
Mo may possibly be the Man Mo 68 of  the later Ming  dynasty,
Old   Bhamo (Myothit) on  the  north  bank of  the  Ta-p'ing, 18
miles northeast of modern Bhamo at the foot of  the mountains.
There is still a  Mo-yu  village  below  Bhamo, near  Kaungtôm,
and a  Mo-yu stream nearby, which flows into the Irrawaddy.69
But these are only guesses.

 

                                             7

 

          One remembers that all this region east of the Irrawaddy,
Möng Mit, the Lower Shweli and Bhamo,had been Shan  rather
than  Burmese  for  several   centuries. "Southwards  from   the
Li  Shui  (Irrawaddy)   ferry," said   the  Man-shu70 (863   A.D.),
"one reaches the Ch'i-hsien Mountains.West of the  mountains
there  is  Shên-lung  ho  ( river ) stockade." Somewhere in  the
neighbourhood,  "on   the   Mo-ling  Mountains, Nan-chao  has
specially built a city, and  stations  its most  trusted   servants
there,  to   control   the   Five  Regions. .. and  the  Ten  Tribes
(of  Northern  Burma)." Looking  west  one  observes that   "the
whole  area  is  malarious. The  land  is as flat as a  whetstone.
In  winter  grasses  and   trees do  not wither. The sun sets  at
the  level  of the  grasses." It is difficult to place  this Nan-chao
fortress  north  of  Möng  Mit. The  proto-Burmans in the  same
century, escaping  from  the  Nan-chao  yoke, appear  to  have

 

 

 

 

 

                    THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                 135

 

given this region a wide berth, and  crossed  the  Northern  Shan
States   diagonally   to   Kyaukse, via  Hsipaw   and   Lawksawk.
Aniruddha, after   the   middle   of   the   11th  century, made an
expedition  to  Gandhālarāj   (Nan-chao);  he  left   his autograph
Buddhist plaques at Tagaung,71 and also at Nwatélè, a deserted
village72  some 15  miles  southeast  of   Katha, in  the far  north
of  Möng  Mit. It  seems  probable  that  he  held  off  for  a  while
this  grave   Nan-chao threat  to  the  kingdom  of   the  Burmans.
But  there  is  no  evidence of  Pagan  penetration   much  to  the
east    of    the    river.  Pagan   architecture,   with   its   pointed,
radiating   arch, is   still  visible in   the   Southern   Shan  States
from   Lawksawk   southwards.  It   has   been  traced   also   at
Lamphun and Chieng Mai; and  the  links  between the  Mons of
Burma and those of Haripuñjaya must have been   close  through-
out  most  of  the  Pagan  period. But the  Pagan  Arch  has  not
been reported north of the Nam Tu.

 

                                                8

 

          For his small army Nâśir ed-Dîn had had  to  rely mostly
on Yünnanese levies. But  both  he  and  the  Emperor  realized
that more troops were needed to effect the conquest  of  Burma.
They were not available till the autumn of  1283. On  September
22nd of that year73 the army, the size of which we do not know,
marched   from  Yünnan  Fu. On   November  7th74   it  reached
Nan-tien. Here  it  divided  into  three  parts. T'ai-pu   proceeded
at  once  by  the  longer  route via Lo-pi tien (Möng Hum).75 On
November 22nd, Yagan-tegin76 left  by  the  A-hsi (Nam Ti) and
A-ho  (Ta-p'ing)  route, through  Chên-hsi (Kan-yai)  with  orders
to build 200 boats so as  to  command  the river  at Chiang-t'ou.
The   Commander-in-Chief, Prince  Sängqüdär,77  followed   the
P'iao-tien  route  north  of the Ta-p'ing.On December 1st78  they
joined hands with T'ai-pu. On  December 3rd,79 proceeding   by
different routes, they fought ( I imagine — it is not mentioned in

 

 

 

 

 

136                                      G. H. Luce

 

the Chinese) the fatal battle of  Ṅa  Choṅ  Khyaṁ, On   December
9th80  "they  captured   Chiang-t'ou  city, killing  over  10,000  men
in    the  fighting." They  "took   prisoner  10,000   of   its   keenest
soldiers. " The  first  report, sent   with   a  map  to   the  Emperor,
arrived  on   February  5th,  1284.81  It  says that  they  had   sent
envoys to deliver a summons to  the  king of Mien, but  there  was
no reply;  also  that  "Chien-tu, formerly  controlled  by  Mien, had
wanted   to   submit  (to   China), " Its  king  had  now   submitted.
" T'ai-kung city of   the  Chien-tu82 is  Mien's  nest  and  hole. The
rebels relied  on it  to resist our army. We  sent  Buddhist  monks
to warn  them of  the consequences, good or evil, of  their  actions;
but they  were  murdered. So  we  have  advanced  both  by  water
and   land, and  attacked  T'ai-kung  city  and  captured  it. Twelve
walled towns of the Chien-tu, Gold  Teeth, etc., have all  submited.
General Ho-tai (Qadai?) and   the   wan-hu  Pu-tu-man  (Butman?)
have been ordered to take 5,000 troops and garrison them. "

 

          The floodgates now were opened, and the Shans descended,
westwards, perhaps, rather   than   southwards, and  soon  covered
both  banks  of  the  river. The  old  Kadu   (Kantū)   or   Thet  (Sak)
kingdom,  with   its   eastern  capital, Tagaung  (Takoṅ),  had  once
extended  west  as  far  as  the valley of Manipur;83 but  the coming
of  the  Chins  from  the  north  had  split  it   in  the  Chindwin,  and
wars  with  the  Burmans of  Pagan  had  broken  it  from the  south.
Its  ruin  was  soon  to  be  completed by  the  Shan   torrent  which
swept  westwards, driving  the  Chins  from  their old  homes in  the
Chindwin  valley   ("Hole  of  the  Chins")  back   into   the   western
hills.

 

          Pagan  (Pukaṁ)  had   not  yet  fallen, but  its king had  fled
south  to  the  Delta, earning  hi s new name, Tarukpliy,84  the king
who  "fled   from   the  T urks." The  Pagan  Burmans   called   their
invaders   Taruk,  presumably   because  (apart   from  local  levies)
Turkic  tribes  formed  the  majority  in  the  Mongol   armies.85 The
Pagan  Burmans  did  not  yield  too  easily. On  May 10th, 1284,86

 

 

 

 

 

                THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                 137

 

we     read: "Quduq    Tämür's    army  for   the   invasion of  Mien
encountered   the  rebels and  was  routed." Reinforcements  had
to   be  sent. On   August 13th87  Yünnan reports: "At  T'êng-yüeh,
Yung-ch'ang  and   Lo-pi-tan, the   people's   minds  are  wavering. "
A  year  later, August  26th, 1285,88  Yünnan  reports; "This  year
we have not yet had time to invade Mien. We  beg  leave  to  reap
the  autumn  grain, and  then  first chastise  Lo-pei tien  and other
tribes. " On   October   5th89  it  adds: "The    two   walled   cities,
Yung-ch'ang   and  T'êng-chung, lie  between  Mien  kingdom  and
Gold Teeth. The walls are broken down and cannot  be   defended
against an enemy. The Emperor  gave  orders  that   they   should
be  repaired." On  November  26th90  the  expedition  to  Lo.pi-tan
was cancelled because of revolts in northeastern Yünnan.

 

                                               9

 

          In    this   year, 1285,  King   Tarukpliy,  stopping   in   the
hunters'  jungle  "at  Lhañkla west  of  Prome (Prañ)," decided  to
submit, in  order  to avert  a  new invasion. The peace mission he
sent  is  recorded  both  in  Chinese91  and  in  an  Old  Burmese
inscription now at the Pagan Museum.92 There are some discrep-
ancies which cannot be discussed here because our subject is Shan
history  rather  than  Burmese. The  Burmese version  makes the
leader  a  Buddhist  monk, Syan  DisĂāprāmuk, called  in  at the
request  of  the ministers  Anantapicañ  and Mahāpuiw to  act as
secretary  and  spokesman. In  the  Chinese,  the  leader  is  the
salt-mines     minister,  A-pi-li-hsiang     (clearly,    Anantapican),
accompanied   by   Mang-chih'pu-suan.93   In   the   11th  month
(November 28th —December 26th, 1285) they reached  Tagaung,
where they were "stopped  by the chieftain  of  the Pai-i of Mêng
Nai tien, Tai-sai."94  Credentials had  first  to  be  obtained  from
King  Tarukpliy  and   passports   from  "Ni-su, native  official   of
P'iao-tien,"95  who informed  the  hsüan-wei-ssŭ of Ta-li, and  the
hsüau-fu-ssŭ  of  Chên-hsi, P'ing-mien  and   Lu-ch'uan.96     The

 

 

 

 

 

138                                     G. H. Luce

 

Chief Comforter of Ta-li, who was about  to  lead  a  Mongol army
to Chiang-t'ou, arranged a  meeting  en  route at P'iao-tien, where
negotiations  took   place   with   A-pi-li-hsiang. Syan Disâpamuk,
after spending Lent at Yachañ(Yünnan Fu),97proceeded to TaytūP98
(Peking), which   he   reached  at  the  end  of  the  year  (1286-7).
He  found  that  the  Emperor  had  already  sent  a  semi-military
'expedition to Burma' (chêng-mien), consisting of  20,000 soldiers
and  70  monasteries  of   Buddhist   monks.  The  latter, perhaps
Tibetan   Mahāyānists. were   extremely r eluctant to go. Khubilai
had   also   sent, on   July   18th, 1286, as  imperial   envoy,  the
Comforter  of  Chên-hsi,  P'ing-mien  and  Lu-ch'uan,  Ch'ieh-lieh,99
"the Käräit."

 

          Partly  as  a result, it seems, of  the  peace mission, this
chêng-mien was halted in  Upper  Burma, and  appears  to  have
formed the  basis  of  a  new province of China, Chêng-mien Pro-
vince, extending  from  Kaungzin  in  the  north  to Nga Singu  in
the  south. Chêng-mien  province  lasted  til  l April   4th,    1303,
when   it  was  abolished.100  The Emperor had also decided   to
create, further  south  in  the  plains, yet another province,  Mien-
chung, in Central Burma. A  member  of   the  princely family  of
Kaoch'ang (Turfan), Hsüeh-hsiieh-ti-chm101 — the  Susuttaki  of
the Burmese inscription — was already  named, on  March  3rd,
1286, with other officials, as the  State  Minister of   Mien-chung
Province. Perhaps the heat of  Central  Burma  was  too    much
for  them.  Anyhow, on  August  18th, 1290, "the Emperor  aboli-
shed   the  provincial  administration  of    Mien-chung."102   On
October   3lst,  1291,103 Hsüeh-hsüeh-ti-chin  was   transferred
and made State Minister of the Central Government.

 

          In   the   1st   month of the 24th year (January   15th-Feb-
ruary  13th,  1287),  Ch'ieh-lieh  reached   Mang   Nai     tien,104
escorted  by  500 men  provided by Chêng-mien province. News
arrived that  King  Tarukpliy "had  been  seized  and  imprisoned
by his concubine's son, Pu-su-su-ku-li, at the place Hsi-li-ch'ieh-
ta-la105  ( śrî  Ksetra, Old Prome). The  latter  had  also  put   to

 

 

 

 

 

                 THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                   139

 

death  three  sons  of   the  queen  proper, and rebelled, together
with   four  chief   ministers, Mu-lang-chou,106   etc,  A-nan-ta,107
the official appointed by the  Prince of Yunnan, and  others  also
were  killed. In  the  2nd  month   (February   14th-March 1   5th)
Ch'ieh-lieh  embarked  on  boats  from   Mang  Nai  tien,  leaving
there  the  500  men of   his  original  escort.  Yünnan   Province
asked  the  Emperor's  leave  to  advance during the autumn and
punish  (the  rebels),  but  the  request  was  refused.  Yet  soon
afterwards, the  Prince  of  Yünnan,108  together  with  the  other
princes, advanced and  invaded  as  far  as  P'u-kan109   (Pagan),
losing  over  7,000  men of  his army. Mien began to be  pacified;
and there was fixed a yearly tribute of local products."

 

          Burmese Chronicles tell the tragic story  of  the  death of
King Tarukpliy.110 He was poisoned at Prome, just  as  he  was
starting upstream to return to his capital, by his son by a lesser
queen, the r uler  of  Prome. The  parricide, ruler  of   Prome,  is
clearly  the  Pu-su-su-ku-li   of   the  Chinese. S u-ku-li   is  Old
Burmese  Sūhrïī, "headman." Pu-su (with  the  character  su   a
diplograph ) should hide the name  of  Prome  (Prañ).  A   slight
change of character ( see n. 105 ) would give Pu-lien, about the
nearest Chinese equivalent to Prañ.

 

                                           10

 

          As  soon  as  Khubilai completed his conquest of China,
he  set  about   conquering   Southeast  Asia. In  Siam, as   in
Burma, his regular  method  was  to  send a haughty embassy
which, using threats, demanded submission. His relations with
Siam were  twofold: in  the  south, by  sea  with  Hsien111  (Su-
khodaya  and   Lo-hu112  (Lavo, Lopburi); in  the  north, by land
with    Pa-pai-hsi-fu113   (Chieng    Mai) and  Ch'e-li114  (Chieng
Rung and the Sip Song P'an-na). Almost  all  the  passages in
the  Yüan-shih  relating  to  the  southern  contacts have  been
collected and translated by Pelliot.115 The first  contacts  were

 

 

 

 

 

140                                 G. H. Luce

 

with  the  south; but  when  Ho  Tzü-chih116  in  1282 was  sent
on  an  embassy  to  Hsien, his  ship  was  intercepted  by  the
Chams (then at war with Khubilai), and the ambassadors killed.
Contact  with  Lo-hu  and  the  "Woman's  Kingdom"  began on
December   4th,  1289.117  It  sent  interesting  tribute again on
November  11th,  1291.118  Hsien  made  contact, through  Can-
ton,  on   November   26th,   1292;119   the   Emperor  sent  his
orders  there  on  June  4th,  1293.120 On  July  5th,1294  "Kan-
mu-ting  of   Pi-ch'a-pu-li city" (P'echaburi) sent  envoys to  offer
tribute;121 and  in  the  following  month, on   August  18th,  the
Emperor  ordered   "Kan-mu-ting, king   of   Hsien  kingdom," to
come to Court, or send hostages.122 Professor  Coedès12  iden-
tifies  Kan-mu-ting  with  the  Khmer  royal  title  kamrateṅ; and
he takes these passages to show that Rāma  Gamheṅ, king  of
Sukhodai, then  engaged  in  conquering   the  north  of Malaya,
was m aking  his  temporary  headquarters at  P'echaburi south
of  Ratburi. In  the  following  year  (1295), we  read124 that "the
people  of  Hsien  and  Ma-li-yü-êrh  had  long   been quarrelling
and  fighting  with  each  other. Now  both  submitted." And  the
new   Emperor, Ch'êng   Tsung,  ordered  Hsien: " Do  not injure
Ma-li-yü-êrh. Do  not trample on  your  promise." Lo-hu  is cited
here, as a recipient  of  favours, on J anuary 23rd, 1297,125  and
again   with  Hsien  on  May  2nd  of   the   same  year.126   On
February    2nd,  1299, Hsien,  Mo-la-yu   (another   variant   for
Malaya)  and  Lo-hu  came  to  Court  together, and  the Crown
Prince of Hsien  was  specially  honoured.127 Su-ku-t'ai (Sukho-
daya) is mentioned by name on June 15th of the same year,128
when  several  peoples of  the southern sea came with a tribute
of tigers, elephants and  boats  made  of  sha-lo  wood. One  of
these 1299 embassies of Hsien is described in the  section  on
Hsen in the Yüan-shih.129 Another embassy, from  Tiao-chi-erh,
Chao-wa (Java), Hsien and Chan-pa (Champa ?) arrived on  July
7th, 1300.130 Additional embassies from Hsien are recorded on
the  dates  of  April  4th, 1314,131 January  22nd, 1319,132 and
February 6th, 1323. 133

 

 

 

 

 

               THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                      141

 

                                            11

 

          In  the   north, Yünnan  had  had  contacts overland with
pre-Thai  Siam   and   Camboja, from  the  9th  century,  if   not
earlier. Whether Nan-chao was  Dai  itself  at t he time, is open
to question. The evidence of the  Man-shu (863  A.D.) suggests
that   then   it  was  largely  Lolo  or  Tibeto-Burman  in  speech.
The  Dai  preponderance, starting  perhaps  from  the top layers
of  society, may  have  been  a  post-9th  century  development.
Passages  in  the  Man-shu   that  relate to the south, between
Tongking and Burma, are chiefly the following:

 

          (i)   Ch.6, f.3r°.   "From T'ung-hai city,134   going   south
for  14   day-stages, one   reaches   Pu-t'ou.135   From  Pu-t'ou,
proceeding  by  boat  along the  river  for  35  days, one  issues
from  (the  region  of)  the  southern Man. The   barbarians    do
not  understand  boats: so  they  mostly take the T'ung-hai  city
road  and, at  Ku-yung-pu.136 enter  Lin-hsi-yüan  of  Chên-têng
chou.137  If  they  take  the  Feng-chou  road138   they  proceed
southwest   of   Liang-shui   river-valley  as  far as  Lung   ho139
('Dragon  River'). Again  to  the  south  it   connects   with    the
road  to  the  Ch'ing-mu-hsiang140  ('Dark  wood perfume') moun-
tains.   Due   south,  one   reaches    K'un-lun     kingdom." 141

 

          (ii   Ch.6,   f.4v°-5r°.― "Yin-shêng   city.142It  is  to the
south  of  P'u-t'an,143  10  day-stages  distant   from   Lung-wei
city.144  To  the  southeast  there  is  T'ung-têng river-valley.145
Due  south   it   communicates    with    Ho-p'u   river-valley.146
Again  due  south  it  communicates   with   Ch'iang-lang   river-
valley.147 But  this  borders  the  sea  and  is  uninhabited land.
To  the  east  one  reaches  Sung-chiang river-valley.148 To the
south  one  reaches  Chiung-ê   river-valley.149  Again   to   the
south one reaches Lin-chi  river-valley.150 Again  to  the  south-
east  one  reaches  the  Ta-yin-k'ung151   ('Great   silver  mine')
Again to the south there are the Brahmans, Persians,Javanese,
Borneans,  K'un-lun152  ( Mon-Khmers ? ), and various ( other )

 

 

 

 

 

142                                    G. H. Luce

 

peoples. In  the  places  for  outside  intercourse and trade, there
is  abundance  of  all  sorts  of  precious  things. Gold and  musk
are regarded as the most precious commodities.

 

          "The  P'u-tzü, Ch'ang-tsung153  ('Long    Chignon'), etc.—

several tens of tribal Man.

 

          "Again, K'ai-nan    city154    is  11   day-stages   south  of
Lung-wei  city. It  administers  the  tu-tu's  city of Liu-chui-ho.155

"Again,   Wei-yüan   city,  Fêng-i    city    and    Li-jun    city 157
Within   these, there  are  salt  wells, over  one  hundred  places.
Mang   Nai,  Tao-ping,  Hei-ch'ih157  ('Black    Teeth')   etc.,   ten
sorts  of   tribes, are   all   dependent.  By   land-route  it  is   10
day-stages  distant  from   Yung-ch'ang. By water-route, descen-
ding    to    Mi-ch'ên158   kingdom,  it  is  30  day-stages. To  the
south  one  reaches the southern sea. It is 3 day-stages  distant
from    K'un-lun   kingdom.   In   between   also   it    administers
Mu-chia-lo,  Yü-ni, Li-ch'iang-tzü159  and  other  clans, five  sorts
of tribes."

 

          (iii)  Ch.10, f.2v° —  K'un-lun     kingdom. — Due      north,
K'un-lun  kingdom  is  81  day-stages  from  the Hsi-êrh ho of the
Man   borders.160   Products  of   the   land  are  the  dark  wood
perfume,161 sandalwood perfume, dark-red  sandalwood  perfume,
areca-nut trees, glazed ware, rock-crystal, bottle-gourds, unburnt
brick, etc., various perfumes  and  herbs, precious  stones, rhino-
ceros, etc.

 

          "Once   the  Man   rebels  led  an  arm y with  cavalry  to
attack   it. The   (people   of)  K'un-lun  kingdom   left   the  road
open  and  let  them  advance. Then  they  cut  the  road behind
the  army  and  connected  it  with  the  river, letting  the   water
cover    it.  Whether   they  advanced  or  retreated,  (the   Man)
were  helpless. Over  ten   thousand  died  of  hunger. Of  those
who  did  not  die, the  K'un-lun severed the right wrists  and  let
them go home,"

 

 

 

 

 

                 THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                       143

 

           (iv)    Ch.10, f.3v° -     "Nü-wang162       kingdom       ('Where
Woman rules'). It  is  over  30   day-stages   distant  from Chên-nan
chieh-tu163 on   the   Man   border. The  kingdom  is 10 day-stages
distant     from    Huan-chou.164   They  regularly   carry   on   trade
with  the  common  people  of  Huan-chou. The  Man   rebels   once
led   20,000   men  to  attack  the  kingdom. They  were  shot down
by  ( the  people  of )  Nü-wang  with   poisoned   arrows.  Not   one
in ten survived. The Man rebels then retreated.

 

          "Water   Chên-la  kingdom   and   Land Chên-la165 kingdom.
These  kingdoms  are  conterminous  with  Chên-nan  of   the  Man.
The  Man  rebels  once  led  an  army  of  cavalry  as far as the sea-
shore. When   they   saw   the  green  waves  roaring  and breaking,
they  felt   disappointed  and   took   their   army  and   went   back
home."

 

          I  do  not  know  if  the above passages of the Man-shu have
already  been  studied  by  Siamese  scholars;  I  have  neither  the
knowledge  nor  the  library  to  do so adequately myself.The follow-
ing  remarks  are  therefore   merely   preliminary   and   provisional.
I   take   the   K'un-lun   kingdom  of  extracts ii   and   iii  to  be the
Old   Mon   kingdom   of   Haripuñjaya   (Lamphun).  The   common
mention of the dark ark aromatic wood (ch'ing-mu-hsiang) suggests
that  ex tract  i  may  also  refer  to  the  same  kingdom: if  so,  for
the  'south'   of   the   itinerary, we   must   understand   'southwest.'
The rough position  of  Yin-shêng/Wei-yüan/K'ai-nan, 10-11  Stages
south    of    T'êng-yüeh/Yung-ch'ang/Ta-li   Lake,   is    fairly   clear.
Wei-yüan  is  still  shown  on  the  map  (lat. 23° 29', long. 100° 55',
according  to  Playfair), east   of   the   Mekong,  about  150   miles
southeast  of   Yung-ch'ang, about  140  miles east of the  Kunlong
Ferry  on  the  Salween. "The  water-route  descending  to Mi-ch'ên
kingdom," say to Pegu, could only have been down the Salween. If
Yin-shêng was  really south  of  T'êng-yüeh, it  may  have   been  in
the  Nam  Ting valley, say, at Mêng  Ting, just east of the  Salween.
The   two  chieh-tu  cities, Yin-shêng  and  K'ai-nan,  are  likely   to
have   been   far   apart, the   former   perhaps   guarding  the  area

 

 

 

 

 

144                                    G. H. Luce

 

between  the  Salween  and  the  Mekong, the latter  the area east
of   the   Mekong. If   the  K'un-lun  kingdom  is  really   Haripñjaya
(and  what  else  could  it  be?), the  alleged  distance  (from   K'ai-
nan ? Yin-shêng ?), 3 stages, is a gross underestimate; 30 stages,
like  the  distance  to  Mi-ch'ên, would  be  much  more  likely.  On
the  other  hand, the  81   stages   alleged   distance  between  the
kingdom  and  Ta-li  Lake, seems  rather  too  much; the  distance
(about 500 miles) is  less  than  four  times that between Wei-yüan
and  Yung-ch'ang, 10   stages. But   progress  south of  the frontier
may well have been a good deal slower than north of it.

 

          The  itinerary  given  at  the  beginning  of   extract   ii   has
no  names  that  I  can  identify,  not  even  K'un-lun  kingdom. Did
it  follow  a  line  to  the  east  of  it?  It  seems  to have struck the
Gulf  of  Siam  at  a  blank spot and turned east, south, and south-
east, to  reach  a  "great  silver  mine", south  of  which  there was
clearly  an  international   emporium. This, I   imagine,  was    near
the  Great  Lake  of   Cambodia  or  at  the  month of  the  Mekong.
Nan-chao's invasion  of   the  Chên-la  kingdoms  (extract iv)   may
have  followed  this  route  to  the  sea. No  date  is   given, bu  t a
likely  time  would  have  been  around  800 A.D., when Cambodia,
split  for  the  past  century  into  Land  Chên-la  in  the  north  and
Water  Chên-la  in  the  south, was  in  a state of anarchy, more or
less  subject  to  the  Śailendras  of   Java,   before  Jayavrman   II
(fl. 802-850) reunited  and  freed  the  kingdom  and laid the founda-
tions   of   the  greatness  of   Angkor.166   If    the   itinerary  really
crossed   Siam, are   these   names   Thai ? Or are they pre-Thai ?

 

          Nü-wang  kingdom, of  extract  iv, 10  stages   (presumably
west)  from  Ha-tinh,  was  probably  on the middle Mekong, north
of  Land  Chên-la, possibly  at  the great bend east of Vieng Chan.
Conceivably ( but there is a big gap in time ), it was "the Woman's
Kingdom" which joined Lavo in sending  an  embassy  to  Khubilai
in  1289.  Matriarchal  regimes  certainly  existed,  and  still  exist,
among the older Austric-speaking peoples  of  Southeast Asia.167

 

 

 

 

 

                    THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                         145

 

          Extract  i  is  the  most   obscure; but  except  for  the   last
two sentences, it does not seem to concern us  here. The  general
sense,  as  I  understand   it, is  that  many  of  the Man, not being
used to boats, would not, when they wished to go to  the  Tongking
delta,  take  the  easy  route  from  Ku-yung-pu (Man-hao) down the
Red  River, but  would  diverge  to  the  east, via   Liang-shui-ch'uan
(Ch'êng-chiang), and   thus   reach   the   delta  overland,  probably
by   the   Hagiang   and   Clear   River   Route.168    Or   again,   at
Ku-yung-pu,  they  might   have  diverged  south and gone overland
towards K'un-lun kingdom (or kingdoms ? ).

 

          What  provoked  these  southern   expeditions  of  Nan-chao,
which  seem  to  have  been  mostly  failures except on  the Burma
side ?  Nan-chao  does not  seem to have needed  much provoking.
It  was  a  highly  militarized  state.169  Every year, as soon  as the
harvest  was  in,  compulsory   military    manoeuvres    were   held,
which seem to have passed easily into large-scale dacoity  beyond
the  frontiers, if  only  for  purposes  of   self-support.   An   excuse,
anyhow, was  available  in  the  fact  that  in  754170  a   prince   of
Land Chên-la  had  joined  Ho  Li-kuang  in  his invasion  of eastern
Nan-chao, in   support  of   Li Mi's   disastrous   campaign  against
Ko-lo-fêng. But   perhaps   the   chaotic   condition  of  Camboja at
the time was a sufficient invitation.

 

                                              12

 

          Leaping  four  centuries, from  the  T'ang  to  the  Yuan, let
us  next  consider  the  Chinese evidence on the regions south of
Yünnan, as  approached  overland. We  have already dealt (supra,
p. 129)  with  the  "Six Roads"  of   Gold   Teeth.  On   April  26th,
1290,171 two new Roads were added, perhaps to the west  of  the
Six, Mêng  Lien172  and  Mêng  Lai.173  Mêng  Lai Road  was the
route  by   which,  in  1301,  the  defeated  army  of  the  Mongols 
withdrew   to  China   from  Nga Singu,174  in   the  north of  Man-
dalay   district.   Huber   places   it  in  the  Shweli valley, east of

 

 

 

 

 

146                                     G. H. Luce

 

Bhamo. Mêng  Lien  was  probably  in  the  same   neighbourhood;
if   so, the  Shweli  may  have  been  the  line  of  division, with  the
Sinlumkaba  hill-tracts  of   Bhamo   on   the   north (  Mêng Lien?),
and  the  Kodaung  hill-tracts  of  Möng  Mit  on  the  south  (Mêng-
Lai ? ).

 

          South  of  the six western Roads, and including roughly the
Shan States of Burma today, was "the wooded country," Mu-pang.
Mu-pang Road175 is  barely  mentioned  in  the incomplete geogra-
phical section of the Yüan-shih; the  date  of  its creation  is  given
as  1289  in  the Ming-shih. South of  Chên-k'ang Road to the east,
along   the   Nam   Ting    valley, was  Mêng  Ting   Road,176  also
barely  mentioned  in  the  ti-li-chih  of  the Yüan-shih; the  pên-chi
adds  that  on  May  25th,  1294, "the   Emperor   appointed   A-lu,
an   official   of   Gold   Teeth   who  had  submitted,  as   governor
(tsung-kuan)  of  Mêng   Ting  Road, wearing   at   the   waist   the
Tiger Tally."

 

          The   following  allusions  to  the south (some not  easy  to
identify) I give seriatim, in chronological order; —

 

          (i)   May   17th, 1278.177—"Yünnan   Province summoned
and  subdued  parts  of  Lin-an, Pai-i  ("White Clothes")  and   Ho-
ni — 109  towns  and  stockades; parts  of  Wei-ch'u, Gold Teeth
and Lo-lo — towns and  stockades, military and civil, 32,200; the
T'u-lao  Man, Kao-chou  and  Yün-lien chou—19 towns  and  stoc-
kades."

 

          (ii)  August  31st,  1290.178 —– "The   chieftains of  Shê-li
and  Pai-i ("White Clothes") tien  of  Yünnan, altogether  11  tien
(native districts), submitted to China."

 

          (iii) October  11th,  1292.179 — "The   Emperor   ordered
Pu-tun  Mang-wu-lu-mi-shih to take  an army and attack Pa-pai-
hsi-fu kingdom."

 

           (iv)  January  11th,   1293.180 —  "Yünnan       Province
reported  that  the  newly  submitted  Gold Teeth lay just along
the  route  of  the  expeditionary  force sent out by Mang-wu-t'u-
êrh-mi-shih, and  that  they   could  supply  fodder   and   grain.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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They  recommended  that  the  place  be  set up as Mu-lai Road.
The  Central  Government petitioned that it be set up as a depen-
dent  fu, with  Pu-po  as  darugaci  (Mongol  provincial  governor)
and  the  native Ma-lieh  employed  as  prefect. The Emperor set
up Mu-lai military and civil fu."

 

          (v)  January  30 th, 1293.181 — "A-san-nan   Pu-pa,   late
military  and  civil  tsung-kuan  and  darugaci  of Lu-ch'uan Road,
and Chao Shêng, etc., summoned the Gold Teeth native officials
of   Mu-hu-lu tien,  Hu-lu-ma-nan (and) A-lu, to  come  and  enter
the Presence and offer  tribute  of  local  products. A-lu said that
on  the  southeast  borders  of  his  land, which  had not yet sub-
mitted (to China), there  were  about  200,000  people longing for
civilization  and  anxious  to  submit. He  requested the Emperor
to  vouchsafe  an  imperial  order  commanding  Pu-pa and Chao
Shêng to notify them. The Emperor approved."

 

          (vi)  February  12th,  1293.182 —  "The    Emperor    gave
orders  to  summon  and  notify  the  Lacquered  Head and Gold
Teeth southern barbarians."

 

          (vii)  December  15th, 1293.183 — "Owing    to    the    in-
crease  of  population  in  Mu-to tien  of Gold Teeth, the Emperor
set  up  a  minor  Road, tsung-kuan-fu, and granted  the persons
who were chiefs there double-pearl Tiger Tallies."

 

          (viii)  Reign  of  Ch'êng  Tsung. — November 7th, 1294.184
"The newly submitted chieftian of  Mêng  Ai  tien of  Gold Teeth
sent his son  to  come  to  Court; whereupon his land was set up
as Mêng Ai military and civil tsung-kuan-fu."

 

          (ix)  December 29th, 1296.185 "The Emperor set up the
military   and   civil  tsung-kuan-fu  of  Ch'ê-li.  The  minister    of
Yünnan   Province   said:  'The   land   of Great Ch'ê-li interlocks,
dogtooth-fashion, with   Pa-pai-hsi-fu.   At    present   Hu Nien of
Great   Ch'ê-li   has   already submitted; but Little Ch'ê-li, on  the
other  hand, is  occupying  and  blocking land facilities. They are

 

 

 

 

 

148                                  G. H. Luce

 

mostly  killing  and  plundering  each  other. Hu  Nien  has sent his
younger brother, Hu Lun, to request us specially to set up  another
office (ssǔ), to select a person well acquainted with  the  character
and conditions of the southern  barbarians, and to  summon  them
to come and submit, and so cause their land to progress.'"

 

          (x)  September  21st,  1297.186 "Pa-pai-hsi-fu    rebelled
and  raided  Ch'ê-li. The  Emperor  sent  Yeh-hsien-pu-hua  (Äsän-
buqa ) to lead troops to punish them. "

 

          The above passages show the rapid southward advance of
the  Mongols  during  the  period  that  ended  with  the  death  of
Khubilai  in  1294, and  a   bit  beyond. Extract   i,  1278,   shows
them ' summoning and subduing' on a massive scale in northeast,
southeast,  and  south  central  Yünnan. It  is  interesting  to  find
the term Pai-i ( "White Clothes" ) used in  a  context  of  Southern
Yünnan: it was not then  confined  to  the  Burma  border. Extract
ii,  1290,  mentions  eleven  "Shê-li  and  Pai-i  ("White  Clothes")
native  districts"  submitting.  I  cannot  place  Shê-li, unless it  is
an early  writing  of  Ch'ê-li (Sip Song P'an-na) with   two  unusual
characters. Nor can I  place  Mn-hu-lu  native  district  of   Extract
v (1293),   but    the    recurrence  of  ha-lu in  the  names  of  the
district  and  of  the  chief,  Hu-lu-ma-nan, forcibly reminds one of
the  'Hn-lu kingdom'187  of  Manchu  times, the  land  of  the Wild
Wa  (Ch'ia-wa), west  of  Chên-k'ang. The  'Lacquered  Head  and
Gold  Teeth'  of  Extract   vi   were   also   probably   old   Austric-
speaking  tribes  of  the  interior; they remind one of the 'Tattooed
Face  barbarians',188  mentioned, with  the  Gold   Teeth,  in   the
Man-shu.

 

          Extract iii, October 11th, 1292, introduces us with a  bang
to   Pa-pai-hsi-fu  in  North  Siam,  whose   capital,  Chieng   Mai,
according  to  Professor  Coedès, was  only built  in 1296 though
Mangray had chosen the site in 1292.189If the usual 'summoning'
had  taken  place  previously, it  is  not  recorded (I   think) in the
Yüan-shih. Here  I  am  hampered  by  not having at my disposal

 

 

 

 

 

                 THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                      149

 

the  anonymous  Chao-pu-tsung-lu,190  "General  Record   of  Sum-
moning and  Arresting" ( 12 folios ),  which  appears, together  with
the   text   translated   by   Huber,  in   the  History Section  of  the
Shou-shan-ko-ts'ung-shu of Ch'ien Hsi-tsu. All  I  find  in  my  notes
is   that   "it  helps  to  fill  in  the  picture  of  the Mongol wars with
the Dai of Ta-li, Gold Teeth, Ch'ê-li and Pa-pai-hsi-fu."

 

          Professor   Coedès   refers us191 to a  passage in his transla-
tion   of   the   old   Pali   Chronicle  of   North   Siam,   the    Jinakā-
lamālinī of Ratanāpañña ( 1517 ), which  says   that  in  649s.  /1287
A.D.   "the    three    friends,   Māṁrāya     (Mangray),   Purchādana
(Ngam   Müöng,  prince of  Müöng   Phayao  on  the  upper  Mè Ing),
and Rocarāja ( Phra Ruang, i.e., Rāma Gaṁheng, king of Sukhodai),
had   a   meeting   in   a   propitious  place    (jayaigghaṭṭhāne), and
concluded a solemn pact  of  friendship,  after  which  each returned
to his own country."192   This  was  followed   in  1292  by  Mangra's
Conquest  of   Haripuñjaya.  The  Thai   at   this   moment   were   in
grave  peril  from  the  north; and  it  is  easy   to   guess   that    the
three  leaders' main  purpose  was  to  clear  the  decks  before   the
coming   battle.  Rāma   Gaṁheng, it   is  true,  made  contact  with
Khubilai   on   November   26th,  1292;193   but   this,  perhaps,  was
simply to buy time while  he  secured  his  conquests  in  the  south.
Mangray, it seems, was the leader  in  the  resistance; and  just  as
the three Shan brothers in Burma had to  dispose  of  Pagan  before
they could face the Mongols with any hope of success, so Mangray
had first to dispose of Haripuñjaya.

 

          The  first  invasion  of   Pa-pai-hsi-fu   (1292-3)  was  led   by
Mängü   Türümish.194  If  he  was  the  same  man as the leader of
the    last    invasion  of   Burma,  eight   years  later ( 1300-1 ),  he
probably obtained some measure of success; otherwise, he  would
not  have  been  sent  again. To protect his communications a post
was  opened, early  in  1293, at  Mu-lai,  southeast  of  Möng  Lem
(Extract iv ); and   at  the  end  of  the  year  Mu-to  Road  was  set
up  near  by, northeast  of  Kengtung  State  ( Extract vii ).  A  year
later, after  Khubilai' s  death,  another  post  was  set  up at  Mêng
Ai, further north ( Extract viii ). There must, it seems, have

 

 

 

 

 

150                                     G. H. Luce

 

been  an   almost   annual   invasion.  Under   pressure   of   these
constant  attacks,  'Great   Ch'ê-li'  (Chieng   Rung?), submitted at
the  end  of  1296  (Extract ix); but  'Little  Ch'ê-li', said  to   lie   to
the   east   (across  the  Mekhong?), resisted. In September 1297,
Pa-pai-hsi-fu    invaded    Ch'ê-li,   and   Äsän-buqa   was  sent  to
punish   them.  He   was   of   the  Mongol-Käräit   family,   Grand
Secretary   of    Yünnan,  with   the   title  "Senior   Pillar   of   the
Realm,  " etc.; the  Yüan-shih   contains  his biography, but there
is no mention in it of this campaign.

 

                                               13

 

          At    this   point  we  may  return awhile to  happenings  in
Burma. Burmese   Chronicles   relate   how    Klawcwā, ruler    of
Tata195  (Twante), a   senior   son   of    Tarukpliy,  resisted    his
father's  murderer, and   after   the   latter's  death,  returned    as
king  to  Pagan. An  inscription  there196 shows  that he received
his   anointing    (abhiseka)  early   in   Lent, 1289  A.D.  On  this
occasion, poor  as  he  must  have  been, he  gave  a  handsome
present  of  rice  fields  at  Khati, the  Shan  settlement  in Minbu
district, to  the  minister  Jeyyaseṭṭhi. There   is   no   mention  of
the  three  Shan  brothers, the  ultimate  usurpers, being  present
at  the  ceremony.  But  already,  several   months   earlier,  they
appear197 — "the three great ministers, Asaṅkhyā, Rājāsaṅkraṁ
and Sīhasūṙa" — making a dedication near  Singaing  (Cactaruy),
north   of  Kyaukse, "after   asking   leave  of   the  supreme  lord,
Rhuy-nan-syaṅ ( Lord   of   the   Golden  Palace )," i.e., Klawcwā.
If  they  were  indeed  absent  from  the  abhiseka, it  looks like a
slight.

 

          The   origin of  the  Shan brothers is obscure.198 Perhaps
it  was  somewhere  in  the  hills  east  of  Kyauksè.  During  the
five  years  of  interregnum,  1284  to 1289, they  had made them-
selves masters of a large part of  Kyauksè, "the  Eleven  Kharuin,"
the old home  and  chief  granary  of  the  Burmans. When  Klaw-

 

 

 

 

 

               THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                      151

 

cwā  returned  to  Pagan, he appears to have regained the loyalty
of   the  other, smaller   granary,  "the  Six   Kharuin"  of    Minbu;
but  Kyauksè  stood  aloof, if  not  hostile; and Pagan, without its
main  source  of  food  and  wealth, was feeble. It does not seem
at  all  likely   that  the   Kyauksè   Shans   (perhaps   none   too
numerous ) were   an   overflow   from   the   north.  The   Pai-i or
Great  Shans  of   the  China  border  were non-Buddhist — diṭṭhi
Syaṁ,  "Shan   heretics", they   are   commonly  called  in   later
inscriptions;199 whereas the Shan rulers of Kyauksè  were  every
bit as Buddhist  as  the  Burmans. The  northern  Shans  left   no
inscriptions:  those  of   Kyauksè    left   dozens, all   written    in
Burmese, not Shan.

 

          Mr.  Harvey   says   that  the  brothers  had  been  brought
up  at  King  Tarukpliy's  Court, had  taken  wives there, and been
entrusted by the  king  with  the  rule  of  Kyauksè. I  find  no  old
authority  for  this. Confusion  in  the   late   Burmese  Chronicles
has been caused by the fact that both Saw Nit, the  last  king  of
Pagan,  and  Sīhasura, youngest  of  the  Shan  brothers, Styled
themselves  Chaṅ  phlū  skhiṅ, "Lord of the White  Elephant".200
The  only  certain  evidence  of  intermarriage  in  the inscriptions
is that the eldest  brother, Asaṅkhyā, in 1299,  was the husband
of  Caw  Ū, the  granddaughter  of  Suṁlūla, chief queen of Taruk-
pliy's  father, and  that  he  joined  her (Caw U) in a dedication to
the  Shwezigôn  Suṁlūla  temple  at  Minnanthu.201  In  a  brick
monastery  west  of  at  Pagan, there is a fragment of inscription
dated 1293,202  setup  by  Siri Asaṅkhyā, who, with his younger
brothers  Rāja  Sīhasu, were  generals  and equals of the Pagan
king  and  who  had  defeated  the  Taruk army. He, or they, still
claimed  to  rule  from  Ṅa Choṅ (Tiwā in the north, to Taluiṅsare
and Tawai (Tenasserim and Tavoy) in the south, from  Majjhāgiri
(the Fish Mountains, Arakan Yoma) in the west, to the Sanlwaṅ
(Salween)  in   the   east. There  is  nothing   here,  linking   the
Shan  brothers  with  Pagan,that a ntedates  the return of  Klaw-
cwā. No doubt Asaṅkhayā, and  probably  Rājasaṅkraṁ,203  for
long   temporized  with  him, and  sought  to  rule  the   country

 

 

 

 

 

152                                     G. H. Luce

 

through him, till  his  subservience  to  the  Mongols  drove  many
of the Burmans into a 'resistance movement,' in   which  Sīhasūra,
the  youngest   and   strongest  of  the  trio, early  took  the  lead.

 

          The   Buddhist   Shans of   Kyauksè  were in more or  less
secret  league  with  the  Buddhist   Tha i  of    Pa-pai-hsi-fu,   and
joined  them, no  less bravely and successfully, in  their desperate
resistance  to  the  Mongols. But  first   let   us   note  the   rather
mysterious evidence of  their connections  with  Kyauksè. In 1300,
when  the  Mongol  emperor  ordered  a  new  expedition   against
Burma, it is  said, "The  rebels  are  in  league   with  Pa-pai-hsi-fu
kingdom.  Their  power  is  widely  extended."204  In   1298,  Kuan-
chu-ssŭ-chia,205  an  envoy  sent  by  Yünnan  to   open  relations
with   the   Mons206   of   Lower  Burma,  now    in   revolt  against
Pagan, had  provoked  trouble  by  escorting, via  Pagan, the Mon
leaders taking  their  tribute  to  China.  These  were  arrested  by
Klawcwā, though Kuan-chu-ssŭ-chia was allowed  to  proceed  to
Tagaung.207  Soon  afterwards, Klawcwā  was  dethroned  by  the
Shan brothers  and  held in captivity, with two of his sons,at Myin-
zaing, east  of  Kyauksè, while  Tsou  Nieh208   (Saw    Nit)   was
placed on the Pagan throne. When  Kuan-chu-ssŭ-chia   returned
to   Pagan, Saw  Nit   told   him,  among  other  reasons  for   the
dethronement,  that  Klawcwā  "had  called  into  Burma an  army
of  our  enemies  of  Pa-pai-hsi-fu  kingdom, who robbed our  king-
dom  of  the cities  of Kan-tang, San-tang, Chih-ma-la,  Pan-lo,209
etc. " I have no doubt but that these  places  were  four  (or more)
of   the  Eleven   Kharuin   of    Kyauksè.   Kan-tang    is   (Mraṅ)
khuntuiṅ,  Myingondaing,  the   most   central;  the  first  syllable
is  omitted  to  prevent  confusion   with    Mraṅcuiṅ   (Myinzaing).
San-tang   is  Saṅtoṅ (Thindaung), in  the northeast,   Chih-ma-la
is  Plañimanā   (Pyinmana), south-centra  l near   Kumè.   Pan-lo
is  Paṅlay   (Pinlè),  farthest   south. All four extended  eastwards
to the foot of the Shan Hills.

 

          It   is   hard   to   believe  that  Klawcwā, a Pagan Burman,
could  have  asked, much less persuaded, the Chieng Mai Shans

 

 

 

 

 

                      THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                      153

 

to  help  him  to  expel  the  Shans  of  Kyauksè. But  it is not at all
improbable  that  the  Shan  brothers  borrowed  troops from Chieng
Mai,  either    to    overawe   the  proud   Burmese   aristocracy   of
Kyauksè, or  to  meet  the  expected   Mongol   attack. And   it   is
possible that they  tried  to  bluff  Kuan-chu-ssŭ-chia  into  believing
that   Klawcwā   had   done   it;  it  is  possible, also, that  Saw  Nit
weakly  lent  his  word  to   the   deception. There   may   be   other
explanations. I  am  inclined  to  accept  as  a fact that Chieng  Mai
helped  in  the  occupation  of  Kyauksè   by   the  Buddhist  Shans.
In   the   autumn  of  1299,  in   Raṅun   kharuin   to   the   west   of
Kyauksè, a dedication was made  by  the  family  of  the "queen  of
the  king  called  Sirirāja, who has  conquered  all his  enemies."210
The  king  is  mentioned  nowhere  else.211  I suspect he may  have
been  a  member  of   the   old    Burmese  aristocracy   who,   after
Klawcwā's  dethronement,  made  a  stand  against the  Shan occu-
pation of Kyauksè, with some temporary success on the west  side
of the river Panlaung.

 

          The  Mongols  were  the  first  to   capture  Pagan, in 1287-8.
Its   ruin  was   completed   by  the  Shans  and  the  Mons.  When
Klawcwā, the  headman  of   Tala, moved   back  to  Pagan in 1289,
the  Mons  of   the   Delta  took  the  opportunity  to  revolt.   Before
1293, Rājasańkraḿ   and   his   follower  Anantajayapakram212  led
a  campaign  Which  recovered   Tala  for  a  while.213  But by 1298,
when  Kuan-chu-ssŭ-chia  was  sent  by  Yünnan  to open relations
with  the  Mon  kingdom, and returned  to  China  up  the Irrawaddy,
the Mons must have been masters of most of the Delta.

 

          At Pagan, the three Shan brothers, usually called saṁbyaṅ,
the  Old  Mon title for  a senior minister, are commonly  mentioned
together  in  Pagan  inscriptions, from  1289 to 1291,214 endorsing
Klawcwā's   decisions. In  1292   Rājasańkraḿ alone  appears.215
Early  in  1293, as  we  have  seen  in  Asaṅkhayā's  inscription at
Pagan,216  their  policy  begins  to  show itself. The three brothers
are the generals, but also the equals, of the Pagan king, and they
have defeated a Taruk army.

 

 

 

 

 

154                                    G. H. Luce

 

          One  obstacle  to  their  plans  was  probably the prestige  of
Tarukpliy's grand  old  queen, the  great  Queen  Saw  of  the  Chron-
icles.  These  say, "Queen  Saw  had   no   son   nor   daughter";217
but  this  is  in  plain  contradiction  of  her  own  inscriptions in  the
Sawhlawun    temple,   Minnanthu: "my   two   beloved   sons"  and
"my  husband  the  king,  father  of  my  two  beloved sons."218 She
and   her  favourite,  perhaps  the   elder  son,  Rājasū,  were   busy
making   dedications  in  1290.219  In  the  spring  of  1291  he  was
dead, and her heart was  broken.220  The  other  son  was probably
Klacwā, who  always takes precedence of the three  Shan  brothers
in  her  inscriptions.221  He  (or  his  brother)  may   be  called  "the
king's  son  Dhaṁmmarac'';222  if  so, it  suggests   the   possibility
of his having been  declared  Crown  Prince. We  hear  no  more  of
Prince Klacwā till the autumn of 1293, when  we  find  him  married
to   Puthuiw-nī   Maṅ223   (the  only   female  maṅ,  I   think, in  Old
Burmese, perhaps a courtesy  title), 'queen  of   Pahto-ni',  a  small
village  in   East   Kyauksè,  near   Myinzaing.  We   do  not  know
exactly when Queen Saw died; but it was  well  before 1300,  when
her younger sister, who took her place as   chief  queen  at  Pagan,
set  up  her  first  inscription  at  Pwazaw.224  I cannot but suspect
that the Shan brothers played some part in these events.

 

          The  cat-and-mouse  tactics of the Shan brothers continued.
Early in 1294,225 Siṅghasū, the youngest, was present at a Pagan
audience.  At  the  turn  of  the  year  1294/5,226    "the    saṁpyaṅ
Asaṅkhayā " also   attends. In   1295, Sîhasû  is  first styled Chaṅ
phlū syaṅ, " Lord of the  White  Elephant ", in  a  Kyauksè  inscrip-
tion.227  Near  the  end  of  the following year, 1296, he sets up his
first    inscription228   at   Myinzaing    with   true   royal    protocol:
"The   king   called   Siṁhasūra, fulfilled   with   virtue,  might   and
splendour";  he  has  built a " golden monastery east  of  Mraṅcuiṅ"
(Myinzaing), at  the  foot  of  the  hills  east of  Kyauksè town, and
dedicates a lot  of  small  pieces of  land in the eastern half of  the
district, and a large area in the hills behind Myinzaing.

 

          Chinese texts, though based sometimes  on   contradictory
reports, are our fullest informants about the  last days   of   Pagan,

 

 

 

 

 

                     THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                      155

 

The  following  seems  to  me  to   be   the   probable   course  of
events.  Klawcwā, well  nigh  desperate, one  imagines, turning to
the only source from which effective help  could be obtained,early
in 1297 sent  an  important  embassy  to  Peking, headed  by his
eldest son, Prince Singhapati.229  He  promised  to pay  a yearly
tribute  of   2,500 taels  of  silver, 1,000  pieces  of  silk, 20  tame
elephants and 10,000 piculs of grain.230 On March 20th, 1297, in
an edict given at length in the  pên-chi,231  the  Emperor  granted
official  appointment  to  Klawcwā  as  king of  Mien  with a silver
seal, and  to  Singhapati  as  Crown  Prince  with  a  Tiger  Tally;
a  Pearl Tiger Tally was also conferred on "Sa-pang-pa,  younger
brother of  the king  of  Mien," and  three  on  "the  leader  of  the
chieftains, A-san," i.e., Asankhayâ, including, no doubt, his  two
brothers. "Border generals of Yünnan, etc.," the edict concludes,
" are not to raise armies without my authority. "

 

         According  to  Na-su-la's  report,232    Singhapati, on  his
return, was  accompanied  by  the  minister Chiao Hua-ti,233 as
deputy of the Mongol Court. On their arrival at Pagan,  Klawcwā
convoked a big assembly to hear the reading  of  the  Emperor's
edict.Rājasaṅkraṁ and Sïhasū" absented themselves. This was
probably the occasion when Ch'ieh-lieh, late Chief Secretary  of
Mien-chung province, "was made bearer of the imperial edict  to
publish abroad the majesty and virtue (of the Emperor)  at  Mien.
The king of Mien bowed down his  forehead  to the  ground  and
pronounced his thanks for the favour  shown  him. He  sent  his
son and heir, Singhapati, to Court with tribute. "234

 

          In the autumn of 1297, things still seem normal at Pagan.
"Siṅkasu, saṁpyaṅ in the royal presence," recommends to  the
king a largish grant  of  land  in  Panan  kharuin  (the  centre  of
Kyauksè) to "his servant  and  follower,  Anantajayapakraṁ."235
The trouble comes to a head,as mentioned above,in March-April
1298,236  when  Kuan-chu-ssŭ-chia  and  the  Mon envoys try to
pass through Pagan. Klawowā's  arrest  of  the  latter  gives  the
two younger brothers an  excuse  to  revolt.  There   were   other

 

 

 

 

 

156                                       G. H. Luce

 

reasons  also. The  A-pa237 tribe  had  rebelled,  apparently, in  the
north; perhaps they  were  northen  Shans, west  of  the  Irrawaddy,
on the border of Chêng-mien province. Klawcwā asked the Mongols
for  troops  to  deal  with  them. The  rebels   were   indignant:  "He
calls  in  an  army  from  China   to   kill, plunder  and  enslave   us."
They   fortified   their   town   and   mustered   troops   to   retaliate.
Sïhasū  and  Rājasaṅkraṁ  made  common  cause with  the rebels.
They  ravaged  the  land  of   Mi-li-tu   (Mliytū, Myedu,  in  the north
of Shwebo district) and  Pang-chia-lang.238  Asaṅkhayā  was  sent
to  stop  them, but  failed, and  was  put  under  arrest. The  rebels
fortified  themselves  in  the  land of  Pu-kan-yü-su-chi-lao-i,239 and
advanced by  water  and land  to  besiege Pagan. Na-su-la leads a
sortie,  but  is  captured. The  monks  of  the capital persuade both
sides to stop fighting  and  swear  oaths  of  loyalty,240  whereupon
prisoners   on   both   sides  are  released. But  in  the  5th  month
(June  10th  -  July 9th, 1298), the  three  brothers   return   with  a
large   army, force   an  entrance  into  Pagan, arrest  the  king,his
eldest son Singhapati, and younger son (sons ?)  Chao Chi-li (and)
Chao P'u,241  and  imprison   them   all  "for  11  months " in  Myin-
zaing. "Ever since you  submitted  to  China,"  they  told  Klawcwâ
" you have not ceased to load us with shames."242

 

          Such  is  the  version  given in Huber's  text,  supported  by
a  wealth  of  detail. It  places  the  dethronement of  Klawcwā and
his   removal  to  Myinzaing  in  June-July  1298.  This  date,   how-
ever, clashes  with  a  Myinzaing  inscription243  dated six  months
earlier,  when  "the  dethroned  king"  (Nan   kla   maṅ)   "appeared
in   full  audience"  in  Myinzaing,  listening to a request  seconded
by   "the  great  minister  Asaṅkhyā," and   pouring   water  of  dedi-
cation.  He   still   retains    in   captivity,  it   seems,  his  religious
functions.  If   this  inscription   is   trusted  (I  cannot  question   it),
one  is  led to believe that the arrest of the Mon embassy at Pagan
was  not  by  order  of  Klawcwā, who  was  in  captivity 100  miles
away, but  by  that  of  the  brothers who  afterwards  bluffed  Kuan-
chu-ssŭ-chia  into  believing  that  he, not  they,  was   responsible.

 

 

 

 

 

                    THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                    157

 

          On   the   Pagan   throne   they l eft  a  puppet-king,  Tsou
Nieh244 (Caw Nac, Saw Nit), "a bastard son of the king, 16  years
old,"  telling   him, it   seems, to   do  his  best  to  propitiate   the
Mongols. In  the  6th  month  (July   10th to August 7th, 1298), he
sent  an  envoy, A-chih-pu-ch'ieh-lan,245   to   Tagaung   to  report
their version of what  had  happened, apologize  to  Kuan-chu-ssŭ-
chia, and  invite  him to come to Pagan for discussions, When he
arrived, Tsou  Nieh  put  the  blame on Klawcwā, and said he was
preparing  to  send  tribute  to  Peking  by  the  hand of three high
officials.246  He  also  sent  a  letter  to  the  Yünnan  government,
praising   Asaṅkhayā, and  giving   the  reasons   why   the  three
brothers (here  named  in  full)247  have  dethroned  Klawcwā  and
placed Asaṅkhayā on the throne.

 

          To  lend  colour  to  their  protestations, it  appears  that  the
three brothers  allowed  the  captive  Crown  Prince, Singhapati,  to
head   one   further   embassy to  Peking.  On April 13th,  1299248
"the  Crown  Prince  of  Mien  kingdom,  Hsin-ho-pa-ti, submitted a
memorial and came to thank the Emperor, who bestowed  clothing
on him and sent him back." The account in the section on Mien249
is   fuller:  "In  the  3rd  year (1299  A.D.),  3rd  month, Mien  again
sent  its  heir  apparent  to  submit   a   memorial   of   thanks. He
himself  reported  that  his  tribespeople  were   being   killed   and
plundered  by  the  Gold Teeth", i.e., the Shans, "and that this had
caused  widespread  poverty  and  want,  and  thus prevented  him
from  being  able  to  pay  the  tribute-offering  of  gold and silks at
the  appointed  time. The  Emperor  took  pity on him, and ordered
him  only  every  other  year   to   offer  elephants. Once  more  he
bestowed  clothing  on  him, and  sent him back." Why did he  not
blurt  out  the  whole  truth, and  beg  the  Emperor (as his brother
did a few months later) to vindicate  his  father's  right  and  punish
the usurpers ? I imagine they had sent spies  to  accompany  him,
and warned  him  that  his  father's  life  depended  on his secrecy
and  quick  return  to  Myinzaing,  And  so  their  poor  victim duly

 

 

 

 

 

 

158                                    G. H. Luce

 

told  his  tale, and  in  a  vain  attempt  to  save his father, returned
to his captivity and death.

 

          But    the   truth   was   now   beginning  to  leak  out.   The
captive father and son having  now  served  their  purpose, on  May
10th,  1299  (according   to   Na-su-la's   report),250     "Asaṅkhayā
ordered his brother to kill  the  king  and  his  two  sons. K'ang-chi-
lung Ku-ma-la-ch'ieh-shih-pa,251 another son of the king, managed
to  escape." Conflicting   accounts  of   the murders now poured in,
which the murderers sought in vain to counteract.

 

          Maṅ  Lulaṅ, "the   young   king"  (Tsou Nieh), was now with
great publicity anointed king  of  Pagan. In   the  summer  of  1299,
"when   the   king  appeared  in   full   audience,  in   the   glorious
Presence  of   the  Future   Buddha   Siri   Tribhavanlidittryapavara-
dhammarājā  Maṅ  Lulaṅ,"  a  request  was  made,  and  the chief
witnesses  were  "the  great  saṁpyaṅ  Asaṅkhayā,  the saṁpyaṅ
Rājāsankraṁ, the saṁpyaṅ  Sinkasū," etc.252  After  the  death of
her  sister, Tarukpliy's   queen, the   youngest   Phiwā  Cau, grand-
mother Saw, became  the chief  queen of Maṅ Lulaṅ.Horrified, one
imagines, at the happenings around her,she left Pagan and settled
in  the  little  village  of  Pwazaw, still  called  after  her,  four miles
inland   from  the  city. Here  she  and  her  daughter  and  nephew
found  some  comfort  in  a  feverish  burst  of  architectural activity,
the  last  masterwork  of   Old   Pagan — the   Hsutaungbyi  group
with   their   great    brick   monasteries,253    the   Thitmati    brick
monastery,254  the  Adhittān  temple,255  and  the last and almost
loveliest of the greater temples, the Thitsawadi.256

 

                                            14

 

          During  the  autumn  of  1299, if    my    views   about  King
Sirirāja   are   correct  (supra, p.  153),  the   Shan  brothers  must
have  been  busy  crushing  a   Burmese  rebellion  in  the west  of
Kyauksè. Meanwhile, in the 8th month257(August 27th-September
25th)  Kumārakassapa  had  made  good  his  escape t o  Yünnan.

 

 

 

 

 

                   THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                        159

 

Here, Mängü Türümish, the imperial commissary, warmly espoused
his  cause. The  latter's  report  was   approved    by   the   Emperor
who, in  the  9th  month258  (September 26th-October 24th) ordered
the  Council  of  State  to  prepare  a  plan of campaign. This meant
a  year's  delay; for  Burma  could  only  be  invaded during the cold
season, which  had  had  already  well begun. In the 12th month259
(December   24th, 1299-January  22nd, 1300), as soon as he  knew
that  no  invasion  was  imminent, Asaṅkhayā  invaded Chêng-mien
province, captured  Nga  Singu  and  Malè, and  only turned back a
few  miles  short  of  Tagaung. In the 1st month of the  4th  year260
(January   23rd  -  February   20th, 1300),  Mängu   Türümish   was
summoned  to  Peking  to  help  in  the  planning. On May 27th,261
"fifteen post-stages  were  added, from  Yünnan  to  Mien kingdom."
On  June  22nd,262 the Emperor issued a decree  declaring  Kumā-
rakassapa  king  and  rightful  heir  to the throne of Mien.

 

         Past  masters  in  deception, the  three  brothers tried every
sleight  to  avert, or at least delay, the  coming  invasion. On  May
1st,  1300263   "Mien   kingdom  sent  envoys  to  submit  a  white
elephant. " Impersonation, even,  was   attempted. On   July  28th,
1300,264 "Che-su, (i.e., Sïhasū), younger brother of  A-san-ko-yeh
of Mien  kingdom, and  others, 91  persons, each  submitted local
products  and  were  coming  to  Court. The  Emperor gave orders
that  the  rest  be  detained  at  An-ch'ing"265  (read Chung-ch'ing),
"and  only  Che-su  sent  to  Shang-tu."266  On   September   1st,
1300267  (four  days  later),  " A-san-chi-ya of Mien  kingdom  and
others, elder  and  younger  brothers, came   to  the  Gate  of  the
Palace, and confessed in person their  crime  in  killing  their  lord.
The Emperor cancelled the expeditionary  force  to  Mien." It  was
only   for   a   moment, until   the   fraud  was  discovered.  In  the
intercalary  8th  month268   (September  14th -  October  13th) the
Mongol army started from Yünnan Fu.

 

          The  Shan  brothers, even  in  their  graves, could   deceive
brilliant  scholars. Huber   does   an   injustice, I   believe,  to  the
Yūan-shih. " It is regarded, " he says ( p. 662 — 1 translate  from

 

 

 

 

 

160                                     G. H. Luce

 

the French), "as  the  worst-edited   of   the  24   dynastic  histories
of China.269    ....    Its     editorial   committee,   under   the    Ming,
has shewn great incapacity to use the  documents  at  its  disposal.
Thus, according to the Yüan-shih, no Chinese army  ever  besieged
Myinzaing. Better  still,  the  Shan  usurper  Asaṁkhaya  becomes
own brother of King Kyozwa of Pagan, and in  1300  there  was  no
change of capital  nor  of  dynasty. The  Yüan-shih chapter  on  the
geography   of   the  Burma  frontier  is  equally   worthless ...." On
p. 679  he  adds: "The  official  annals  of  the  Yüan" (i.e., the  pên-
chi)" state  that   in   1300... Kyozwa   was  killed   by  his  brother
Asaṁkhaya,  who  shortly  afterwards  came  to  Peking to excuse
himself,   was    pardoned   and   received    investiture.   If ...   the
authors  had  seen  the  work  I  have just translated, we should be
entitled  to  conclude  that  they  have  knowingly  falsified  history.
But it is fairer to accuse them only of carelessness and ignorance."

 

          In  general  the  pên-chi  of  the  Yüan-shih  are  very full and
admirably   dated, fuller   and   better  dated, e.g., than those of the
Ming-shih. In   working   out  over  150  dates, I   have  found,   if   I
remember aright, only one mistake. So far as Burma is  concerned,
omissions   there   certainly   are, but  there  is  little  sign  of  care-
lessness. The geographical section (ti-li-chih, ch. 61) is incomplete;
and   in   writing  of   Lu-ch'uan  (see  n. 41) it once  says  'east' for
'west' ; but my  frequent  references  to  it  here  prove  that  I  have
found  it  very  useful. The  section  on  Mien  (ch.  210) is   almost
the same  as  Huber's  text, except  that  it  entirely omits the last
campaign. Everything  that  is  not  in  Huber  follows  exactly  the
facts  and  dates  as  stated  in  the pên-chi. I cannot say, but it is
quite possible, that the authors knew  the  story  of  the  last  cam-
paign  (as  given  in  Huber), and  deliberately  rejected  it as incon-
sistent  with  the  evidence  of  the  pên-chi, e.g., the  Emperor  on
September 1st cancelling  the  expedition  on  the  one  hand, and
the expedition  starting  a  few  weeks  later  on  the  other.  Huber,
facing the same dilemna, rejects the pên-chi, while the brothers (if
they but knew it ) rejected Huber's text. I have tried  to  show  that

 

 

 

 

 

                   THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                      161

 

both sources are valid, and can be reconciled, once we realize that
the   Shan  brothers  were  out  to  deceive  and  delude, and  often
for a while succeeded in doing so.

 

          Huber   embroils   his   case   by   confusing   Che-su  with
Klawcwā.  This   is   impossible.  Che-su,  the  name  used  every-
where,  I    think,   in   the   Yüan-shih,  corresponds   to   Huber's
Sêng-ko-su  (see   n.247). The   latter   is  derived  from   the  San-
skritic   Singhasūra,   "the  Lion  Hero";  Chê-su  is  from  the Pali
Sīhasūra.  In   Old   Burmese,  forms  like  Siṅghasū  and  Sīhasū
are interchangeable. The Yüan-shih does  not  deny  the  siege of
Myinzaing,  nor    the   change  of  capital  or  dynasty; it  merely
does   not   mention   them,  because,  presumably, it  found  the
evidence conflicting. And it  nowhere  says  that  Asaṅkhayā was
pardoned or received investiture.

 

          The   Mongol   army   was  quite  a  small  one, not "the
200,000 soldiers of the Khan maṅkrī" whom Asaṅkhayā claims,
three  years  later, that  his   younger   brother   Sïhasûra   has
defeated.270  Mängü  Türümish  had  asked  for 6,000 men. On
June   2nd,  1300271  th e  Council  of  State, "considering  that
Burma was strong and could  rely  on  help  from  Pa-pai-hsi-fu,"
thought he needed "at least 10,000." The  Emperor sanctioned
up to 12,000. Mängü Türümish had  asked  for two generals to
join him, Hsieh-ch'ao-wu-êrh (Sächäur?), the Grand  Secretary
of   Yünnan, and   General  Liu Tê-Lu. He  asked  also  for  the
State Counsellor, Kao A-k'ang, native chiftain  of  Yünnan, The
Prince of the Blood, K'uo-k'uo ("the Blue  Prince") was  placed
in    nominal  command.272 In  the 10th  month,273  November
I3th-December  11th, they  entered  Burma. On  January  15th,
1301,274 they reached Malé, and held a general review.

 

          While the army marched straight on  Kyauksè,  Kumāra-
kassapa  diverged  towards  Pagan. He  is   not  mentioned   in
Burmese Chronicles, but a two-faced inscription275 dated  1302,
at the Shwenan-u pagoda, Paunglaung, mentions him under the

 

 

 

 

 

162                                     G. H. Luce

 

name, Tak tau mu maṅkrī, Tarulk prañ la so Tak, tau mū maṅkrī
"the king who came from the land of  the  Turks  and  ascended
the throne," "King Ascend-the-throne."  Some  40  miles   above
Pagan, on  the  west  bank  of  the   river, he  halted  to  hear  a
sermon on  the  way  to  Nirvāṅa, the  Rathavinīta  Sutta  of  the
Majjhima Nikāya, and to make a dedication of  land  (afterwards
confirmed by the three brothers ) "at   the   royal   monastery of
the   mahāthera  Tipitakavilāsa, spiritual  preceptor  of  our  lord
Siṅkapicañ."  Having  thus  created   a   favourable   impression
he  entered   Pagan   without   difficulty.  Later    he    told   the
Mongols,276 "Those  who  through  fear  are  still  on   the  side
of  the  rebels, are  few. Everyone  is  on  my  side." But  when
the Mongols retreated, he went with them.

 

          On   January  25th, 1301,277   the  army  reached  Myin-
zaing,278 with  its  three  walled  enclosures  interlocking.  The
Shan brothers came out  to  fight, but  were  driven back within
the   walls, where  they  maintained  a  stout  defence.  Mängü
Türümish  and  Liu  Tê-lu  undertook  the  east and north sides.
Hsieh-ch'ao-wu-êrh and Kao A-k'ang, the more open west side.
They could spare no troops to  besiege  the  south  until  later,
when they mustered  2000 Pai-i (Northern  Shans),  who  were
on the lines of communication. The  fighting  was  severe.  The
defenders  mounted  mechanical  catapults  on  the  walls. To
protect themselves, the Taru had  to  heap   an  earth-rampart
all round the city. Between February 10th and  March 10th,279
the fortified outpost called "the Stone Mountain" was captured,
The  grand  assault  on  February  28th280  was  a  failure, the
Taruk losing over  500  men, killed  by  arrowshot  or  crushed
beneath the blocks of stone and timber that rained down  from
the walls. There was little more  fighting, but, for  the  defence
there was a real danger of starvation.

 

           The  Shan  brothers  fell  back  on  their  old  incompa-
rable  expedient. On   March  12th281  Asaṅkhayā   sent   out
men who shouted from afar, "We are not rebels. We are loyal

 

 

 

 

 

                 THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                163

 

subjects  of   your   Emperor ....  We   never   killed   the    king.
He committed suicide by poison. We are innocent men. We are
Mongols.  Please  accept  our  submission. " Negotiations   and
secret corruption followed and the hot  weather  helped  to  com-
plete   the   rout.  Between   April   6th  and  8th,282   the  Taruk
began their retreat. On April 14th283 Nga   Singu   was  reached,
and   a   vain   attempt   was  made  to  rally  the  routed  forces
and return. The same   day,   by   elephant,   Kumārakassapa's
mother   arrived  and  said, "The   rebels  held   me   captive   in
Myinzaing. I  have  only  just  managed  to  escape. If  you  had
only   waited   five   more   days,  the  rebels  would  have  been
bound   to   surrender. What   a  pity  you  left  so  soon !  " The
Taruk returned to China   by   the   Mêng   Lai   Road.284   They
had   to   fight  their  way through 'the Gold Teeth', i.e., the Pai-i,
during the following autumn. Under  the  date of September 10th,
1301,285 we read,"The Emperor sent Hsieh-ch'ao-wu-êrh,etc., to
take troops and invade Gold Teeth and  other  kingdoms. At  the
time when the army of the Mien expedition  was  returning,  they
were intercepted by the Gold Teeth, and  many  of t he  soldiers
killed fighting."

 

          On the same day, September 10th,286 the Court of Enquiry
appointed  by  the  Emperor reported that every  single  person  of
importance, from Prince  K'uo-K'uo  downwards, had  been  bribed.
"Having  let  themselves  be  corrupted, the  Commanders-in-Chief
had   no   longer   any   authority   over   their  subordinates . . . ."

Their      triumph     accomplished,   Burma    and      the     Shan
brothers  were  tactful  and  assiduous  in  softening the blow. On
July 27th,1301,287 "The  king  of  Mien  sent  envoys  to  offer  as
tribute  nine   tame   elephants." On  September  16th,288  "I-la-fu-
shan,  wan-hu  of  Chêng-mien, and  others  submitted  six  tame
elephants.  " On  November  4th,289   "The   king  of    Mien  sent
envoys   to   Court   with   tribute. " The   final  triumph,  after  the
failure of the Pa-pai-hsi-fu  expedition (see  infra), came  eighteen
months  later. On  April  4th, 1303, 290 "the  Emperor   abolished

 

 

 

 

 

164                                     G. H. Luce

 

Chêng-mien Province split  off  from  Yünnan." On  May  25th,291*
"the  14,000 men  of  the  army  returned  from Chêng-mien were
sent back, each man to his post."

 

          Tribute  continued  to  be   submitted.  On   October   6th,
1303,292 "the king of Mien sent envoys  to  offer  as  tribute  four
tame  elephants."  Friendly   relations   were   even   established
under the new Emperor, Wu Tsung. On February, 1st,  1308. 293
"Mien kingdom submitted six tame elephants." On May 31st,294
again, "Mien   kingdom   submitted  six   tame   elephants."  On
August 3rd,295 "the Emperor    appointed    Kuan-chu-ssŭ-chien,"
probably a Tibetan, "as  Vice-President  of  the  Board  of  Rites,
and To-êrh-chih  as  Vice-President  of  the  Board  of  War, and
sent them to Mien kingdom." At this time, Sïhasū, the youngest
of the Shan  brothers, was  busy  choosing  a  site  for  his  new
capital   near   the  junction  of  the  rivers. Relations  continued
to be good under  the next Emperor, Jên  Tsung. On  December
27th, 1312,296 "the lord  of  Mien  kingdom  sent  his son-in-law,
together   with   Ts'ên-fu,  chieftain   of    the   Pu-nung  Man  of
Yünnan, to  come  to  Court. " On July 31st, 1315,297 "the  lord
of Mien kingdom sent  his  son, T'o-la-ho, and  others  to  come
and   offer  tribute  of  local  products." On  July 20th,  1319,293
"Chao Ch'in-sa of  Mien  kingdom  brought  local  products  and
entered the Presence."

 

                                             15

 

          The resistance of the Northern  Thai  to  Mongol  aggres-

sion appears to have been just as brave, and just as  victorious,
as that of the Shan brothers. But the harvest  was  not r eaped
so neatly, and theirs continued for long to be a troubled border.
Not having the Chao-pu  tsung-lu text (see  supra, n. 190),  the
most I can do for the present is to  translate  seriatim  relevant
extracts from the pên-chi of  the  Yüan-shih, from   1300   A.D.
onwards:

 

 

 

 

 

                 THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                  165

 

          (i) February   1st,   1301.299 —"The  Emperor  sent  Liu
Shên, Ho-la-tai and  Chêng  Yu,  at  the  head  of  an  army  of
20,000 men, to invade Pa-pai-hsi-fu. As  usual, he  sent orders
to Yünnan province to give 5 horses per 10 men of  each  army,
and more, if this was not enough."

 

          (ii) February  18th, 1301.300 —    "For    the   expedition
against Pa-pai-hsi-fu, the Emperor gave paper money reckoned
altogether at over 92,000 'shoes' (ting)."

 

          (iii) March 27th, 1301.301 — "For the expedition against
Pa-pai-hsi-fu, the Emperor set  up  two  wan-hu-fu"  (lit. offices
controlling   ten   thousand   households), "and  four  posts  of
wan-hu. He despatched criminals  of  Ssŭch'uan  and  Yünnan
to follow the army."

 

          (iv) May  21st,  1301.302 —  "The  Emperor  moved  the
Yünnan army to invade Pa-pai-hsi-fu."

 

          (v) July 4th, 1301.303 —   "The   Emperor   ordered  that
persons of Yünnan province who volunteered to  go  on  expedi-
tion  against  Pa-pai-hsi-fu,  should  be  given,  each  man,  60
strings of cowries."

 

          (vi) August 20th, 1301.304 —"The Emperor commanded
Yünnan province to divide  up  the  Mongol  archers  to  go  on
expedition against Pa-pai-hsi-fu."

 

          (vii) September 10th, 1301.305 —". . . again, the various
southern  barbarians   on  the  borders  of   Pa-pai-hsi-fu  have
agreed among themselves not to pay taxes and imposts;  and
they have robbed and  killed  the  government  officials.  There-
fore all are to be attacked."

 

          (viii) March 21st, 1302.306 — "The Emperor  dismissed
from office the yu-ch'êng for the expedition against  Pa-pai-hsi-
fu, Liu Shên,  and  other  officials, and  took  from  them  their
tallies, seals and post-station coupons."

 

 

 

 

 

166                                        G. H. Luce

 

          (ix) April 4th, 1303.307 ― "On   account  of   the  ruin  of
the army invading Pa-pai-hsi-fu, the Emperor  put  to death  Liu
Shên, and sentenced to flogging Ho-la-tai and Chêng Yu."

 

          (x) December 3rd, 1309.308 — "Yünnan province  stated
that Pa-pai-hsi-fu, Great Ch'ê-li and Little  Ch'ê-li  were  making
a disturbance at Ku-pao of Wei-yüan chou, and  had  snatched
and occupied Mu-lo tien; the Emperor had given orders to send
the  yu-ch'êng  of  the  province, Suan-chih-êrh-wei, to  go  and
summon and notify them,and, as usual, had ordered 1500 men
of the army of  Wei-ch'u  tao  to  guard  and  escort him  within
their    frontier;   but   Suan-chih-êrh-wei  had  accepted  bribes
from Ku-pao (amounting to) 3 'shoes' each  of  gold  and  silver;
after which, he advanced his  force  and  raided  and  attacked
Ku-pao; but bows and cross-bows were  improperly  used, and
so he was defeated  and  returned. Not  only  had  he  lost  the
day, but  also  he  had  injured  our   men. 'Let   Your  Majesty
decide!'  The   Emperor  replied 'It  is  a  big  matter. We  must
be quick and select envoys once more to bear a letter with the
imperial seal, and  go  and summon  and  notify  them. As  for
Suan-chih-êrh-wei, (his    life)  is   pardond,  but  he  must   be
rigorously tried.' "

 

          (xi)  February   22nd,   1310.309 — "The  Emperor sent
down orders to summon  and  notify  Great  Ch'ê-li  and  Little
Ch'ê-li."

 

          (xii)  February   23rd,  1310.310 — "The  Emperor   gave
orders to notify Pa-pai-hsi-fu, and sent the yu-ch'êng of Yünnan
province, Suan-chih-êrh-wei, to summon and comfort them."

 

          (xiii)  December  6th, 1310.311 — "The ministers  of  the
Central    Government     reported  .., 'Moreover   we   are   just
moving  troops  to  punish  Pa-pai-hsi-fu. Our  military  strength
is dispersed and exhausted. Now we propose that the  Mongol
troops be given one horse each, and  the  Chinese  troops  two

 

 

 

 

 

                THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                  167

 

horses per ten  men. We  suggest  giving  these  directly.  We
request the Emperor to bestow 30,000 'shoes' of paper-money
for the purpose.' "

 

          (xiv) May  20th,  1311.312 — "The  southern   barbarians
of   Pa-pai-hsi-fu, together   with   those  of   Great   and   Little
Ch'ê-li,  raided  the  frontier. The  Emperor  ordered  the  Prince
of  Yünnan  and  the  yu-ch'êng  A-hu-t'ai  to  take  troops  and
punish them."

 

          (xv) March 21st,  1312.313 — "Pa-pai-hsi-fu  came  and
offered as tribute two tame elephants."

 

          (xvi) September 29th, 1312.314 ― "The  Emperor   sent
orders that the yu-ch'êng  of  Yünnan  province, A-hu-t'ai,  etc.,
should lead Mongol troops and follow   the  Prince  of  Yünnan
and punish the southern barbarians of Pa-pai-hsi-fu."

 

          (xvii) October  6th, 1312.315 - "The  Emperor  cancelled
the expedition against the southern barbarians of Pa-pai-hsi-fu,
and  those of  Great  and  Little Ch'ê-li. He  sent  a  letter  with
the imperial seal to summon and notify them."

 

          (xviii) October 9th, 1312.316 ― "The southern barbarians
of  Pa-pai-hsi-fu  and  Great  and  Little Ch'ê-li offered as tribute
tame elephants and local products.

 

          (xix) November 1st, 1312.317 ― "The yu-ch'êng of   Yün-
nan    province,   Suan-chih-êrh-wei, was   found    guilty.   The
spiritual teacher  of   the  realm   (kuo-shih),   Shuo-ssŭ-chi-wa-
chieh-êrh, memorialized requesting the Emperor to pardon him.
The Emperor reproached him saying, 'A Buddhist monk should
study  the  writings  of  the  Buddha. Is  it  proper   for  him   to
interfere in state affairs? ' "

 

          (xx)  November   25th,  1315.318 — "The  southern   bar-
barians   of   Pa-pai-hsi-fu  sent  envoys  to  offer as tribute two
tame elephants. The Emperor bestowed silks on them."

 

 

 

 

 

168                                       G. H. Luce

 

          (xxi) January   24th,  1320.319 —   "The   Emperor   econo-
mized 124 ranks of officials, including   sub-prefects   and   subor-
dinate   officials of   Ta-li  of  Yünnan, Great and Little Ch'ê-li, and
other  places,  and  various   officials   employed  as Confucianist
teachers and Mongol instructors."

 

          (xxii) January    24th,    1324.320 — "Yü   Mêng  of  Ch'ê-li
of Yünnan made a raid. The   Emperor  gave  orders  to  summon
and notify him."

 

          (xxiii)  January      26th,     1324. 321 ―  "The    Hua-chiao
('Flowery    Leg')  southern   barbarians   of  Yünnan made a  raid.
The Emperor gave orders to summon and notify them."

 

          (xxiv) September   18th, 1324.322 — " The   Emperor  sent
envoys to notify Great Ch'ê-li and Little Ch'ê-li of Yünnan. "

 

          (xxv) November  3rd,  1324.323 -   "The    Ch'ê-li   southern
barbarians of Yünnan made  raids.The  Emperor  sent  Wa-êrh-to
bearing an imperial decree to  summon  and  notify  them. Ni-êrh,
son  of  their chief Sai-sai, and  Tiao  Ling, son  of   Ying-kou-mu,
came out and submitted. "

 

          (xxvi) June  14th,  1325.324 — " T'ao  La-mêng  of   Ch'ê-li
and the Great A-ai  southern  barbarians, 10,000  soldiers  riding
on elephants, attacked and captured 14 stockades including  To-
la.... "

 

          (xxvii) August 9th, 1325.325 ― " The southern barbarians
of Great and Little Ch'ê-li came and offered tame elephants. "

 

          (xxviii)  August   15th, 1325.326 ― "The   Emperor   sent
enyoys  bearing  imperial  orders  separately to...; to the  native
official of Chên-k'ang Road, Ni Nang; and  to  the  native  official
of Mou-chan (or nien) Road, Sai Ch'iu-lo, ordering them to come
out and submit"

 

          (xxix) August  20th, 1325.327 ― "The   Emperor   set  up
Ch'ê-li military and civil tsung-kuan-fu, and  appointed the  native

 

 

 

 

 

                 THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                        169

 

Han  Sai  as  tsung-kuan   (Governor), wearing  at  the waist a gold
Tiger Tally. "

 

          (xxx) June  11th,  1326.328   ―   "Chao   Nan-tao,  southern
barbarian  of   Pa-pai-hsi-fu, sent  his son, Chao  Zan-t'ing, to  offer
local products and come to Court."

 

          (xxxi)  August     15th,    1326.329   ―    "Chao     Nan-t'ung,
southern  barbarian  of  Pa-pai-hsi-fu, sent  envoys  to   come   and
offer as tribute tame elephants and local products. "

 

          (xxxii)  October  18th, 1326.330 ― "The  Emperor bestowed
on   the   southern   barbarian   officials  of  Great Ch'ê-li  who  had
recently  submitted, 75   persons, fur   garments, caps, boots  and
clothes. "

 

          (xxxiii)  October   23rd,    1326. 331 ― "Ai P'ei,  chieftain  of
T'u-la  stockade  of  Wei-ch'u Road of Yünnan  province; A-wu, son
of   A-chih-lung,  chief  of  Ching-tung   stockade; Ni  Tao, younger
brother   of   the   lord   of   Great  A-ai  stockade; Ai Pu-li,chief  of
Mu-lo  stockade; A-li, native  official  of  Mang-shih  Road; T'o-chin-
k'o, younger  brother  of  Ni Nang, native   official   of  Chên-chiang
Road; Ch'iu-lo, native   official  of  Mu-t'ieh Road; Ai  Yung, nephew
of  Chao   Ai   of   Great  Ch'ê-li; and Wu  Chung, native  official  of
Mêng Lung tien — all together submitted local products and came
to  offer  tribute. The  Emperor  took  Chao  Ai's  land  and  se t up
one  Mu-to  Road,  with  one  Mu-lai  chou  and  three  tien  (native
districts). He took Wu  Chung's land and set  up  one  Mêng  Lung
Road with one tien. He took  Ai P'ei's  land  and  set  up  one  tien
there. At the same time  he  conferred  on  them  gold  tallies  and
copper seals, and bestowed the usual  silks, saddles  and  bridles
according to their rank. "

 

          (xxxiv)  March   14th,  1327.332 ― "Chao   Nan-t'ung,  chief
of   the  southern  barbarians of Pa-pai-hsi-fu, came and offered as
tribute local products. "

 

 

 

 

 

170                                       G. H. Luce

 

          (xxxv) August  9th,  1327.333   ―   " Sai    Ch'iu-lo,   native

official of Mou-chan (or - nien) Road, summoned  and  notified the
southern barbarian of Pa-pai-hsi-fu, Chao San-chin, to  come  and
submit.  San-ch'ieh-chê, native  official   of  Yin-sha-lo  ('Perimeter
of  Silver  Sand'), killed  Sai  Ch'iu-lo. The  Emperor   ordered   the
Prince of Yünnan to send persons to notify them."

 

          (xxxvi)  November    13th,     1327.334  ―  "The     southern
barbarians   of   Pa-pai-hsi-fu  requested  the  officials  to  garrison
and set up Meng Ch'ing ( as a ) hsüan-fu-ssŭ and tu-yüan-hsuai-fu
(Comfortership   and  office  of  General  Commander), with   twofu,
Mu-an   and  Mêng  Chieh, in  their  land. The  Emperor appointed
the  sub-prefect  and acting comforter of Wu-sa, Ni-Ch'u-kung, and
the native official Chao Nan-t'ung as Joint Comforters and  General
Commanders; and  the  chao  y'ü  jên ('summoner'), Mi-tê, as  sub-
prefect  and  acting  Comforter;  and  Chao  San-chin, son   of  the
Assistant  General  Commander  (Chao)  Nan-t'ung, as  prefect  of
Mu-an  fu; and  his nephew, Hun  P'ên, as prefect  of  Mêng Chieh
fu. The Emperor made  the  normal  bestowals  paper-money  and
silks, on each according to his rank. "

 

          (xxxvii)   June     15th,     1328.335      "The    southern   bar-
barian  of   Pa-pai-hsi-fu   sent   his   son,  Ai  Chao, to   offer   as
tribute tame elephants."

 

          (xxxviii)  October  15th,   1328.336      "The   native   official
of   Mêng   Ting  Road  of  Yünnan  came  and  offered  as  tribute
local products."

 

          (xxxix)  November 20th,   1328.337      "The   native  official
of   Yin-lo  tien  of  Yünnan, Ai Tsan etc., came and offered tribute
of local products."

 

          (xl)   November   24th,   1328.338 ─ "The   native  official  of
Ch'ê-li Road of Yünnan, Tiao Sai,  etc., came  and  offered  tribute
of local products."

 

 

 

 

 

                  THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                     171

 

          (xli)  December  16th, 1328.339 — "Chao   Ai,  envoy  of
Pa-pai-hsi-fu kingdom; Ni Fang, etc., native official  of  Wei-ch'u
Road  of   Yunnan; and    Pi-yeh-ku   etc., native official  of  'the
Ninety-Nine Stockades'; each brought local products and came
to offer tribute."

 

          (xlii)  March  14th, 1329.340 — "A-san-mn, native official
of  Mêng  T'ung  (and)  Mêng  Suan  tien  (districts)   of Yunnan
0province;  Ai  Fang,  native  official  of   K'ai-nan;  Pa-pai-hsi-fu,
Gold   Teeth, 'the  Ninety  Nine  Caves', and  Yin-sha-lo tien; all
came and offered as tribute local products."

 

          (xliii)  March  28th,  1329.341 — "The  Emperor  set   up
the hsüan-wei ssŭ (Comfortership) and tu-yüan-shuai-fu  (Office
of General Commander )  of  Yin-sha-lo tien  and  other  places."

 

          (xliv)  December 15th, 1329.342  — "The  Emperor once
again  set  up  the  military  and  civil  tsung-kuan-fu  (office  of
Governor ) of Mêng Ting Road."

 

          (xlv)  June   20th,   1331.343 — "Mêng  Ting  Road  and
Mêng Yüan Road -were  both  made  military  and  civil  tsung-
kuan-fu, their rank  being  3rd  grade. Chê-hsien, Mêng  Ch'ing
tien, Yin-sha-lo and other tien, were all made into military  and
civil fu. their rank being 4th  grade. Mêng  Ping,  Mêng  Kuang,
Chê-yang and other  tien  were  all  created  military  and  civil
chang-kuan-ssŭ, their rank being 5th grade."

 

          (xlvi)  January   26th,  1342,344 — "Han Sai-tao etc., of
Ch'ê-li of Yünnan  revolted. The  Emperor  gave  orders  to  the
p'ing-chang-chêng-shih (Grand Secretary) of Yünnan  province,
T'o-t'o-mu-êrh, to punish and pacify them."

 

          (xlvii)  May  13th,1342.  345 — "The Emperor abolished
Mêng Ch'ing hsüan-wei-ssǔ of Yünnan."

 

          (xlviii)  February  1st, 1347.346 "The Emperor set up
again the hsüan-wei ssŭ of Pa-pai, and appointed  the  native
official Han Pu to inherit his father's rank."

 

 

 

 

 

                  THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                      172

 

          (xlix)  February   27th,   1347.347 ― "Lao   Ya   and   other
southern barbarians  of  Yünnan  came  to  submit.  The  Emperor
set   up   the  military  and  civil   tsung-kuan-fu  (Governor's Office)
of Kêng-tung Road."

 

          These   are   all   of   the   extracts  I   have   found   in   the
pên-chi   of   the  Yüan-shih  that  are  concerned  with  the  border
of Siam. There is more about the   Pai-i  of   the   north,  and   also
about  Mien   and   Mu-pang. But  they r elate  rather  the  story  of
the   rise   of 'the  Maw  Shans', who  sacked  the  two  capitals  of
Central    Burma,  Sagaing    (Cackuiṅ)  and   Pinya    (Pahya)    in
1364,  and   remained   a   menace   to  the  Chinese  of  the  Ming-
dynasty   for  nearly  a  century.  This  story  must  necessarily  be
made the subject of as eparate study. Further searches throughout
the   whole  of  the  Yüan-shih  will  very  probably  yield  additional
fruits.  I    hope,  I   shall   be   able   to   present    them    in    the
pages of a future issue of this Journal.

 

 

 

 

 

                                         NOTES

 

              THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA'S HISTORY

 

1.   For   Northern  Thailand  (Yonaka), excluding  Eastern,  Pro-

 fessor Coedès has listed 57 inscriptions (94 faces) on pp. 25-33

 of  his  Recueil   des  Inscriptions du Siam, Part   I,  Inscriptions

 de Sukhodaya (Bangkok 1924), dating from the 14th to the 16th

 centuries. In  East  Burma  about  10  faces  in  Old   Thai  have

 been found at various sites in the Kengtung plain. And  recently,

 Professor  Sören  Egerod  of  Copenhagen, on  a  brief   visit  to

 Möng   Lwe  and  Möng yang (50-60 miles  north  of  Kengtung),

 discovered  14  faces  in  Old Thai, and heard  of  others  which

 he had no time or materials to   stamp. I  cannot  estimate  the

 number  of  Old  Thai  inscriptions  in   Laos  (Luang  Phrabang,

 Vieng Chan, etc.); but those  collected  by  the  Mission  Pavie,

 Fournereau, Lunet de Lajonquière, etc., suggest that it may  be

 considerable. I would humbly suggest that it would be  a   good

 thing if a small joint committee of scholars  of  all   three  count-

 ries could visit the sites of these inscriptions,collect and  share

 information, and arrange for  their  scientific  editing   under  the

 auspices,  if       possible,   of       the      three    Governments.

2.    In  this  paper  I use Thai for the Siamese proper, and   Dai

 for   the   larger   unit,  linguistic  if  not  racial, stretching   from

 Ssŭch'uan southwards and Assam eastwards.For a note on the

 word,  see  Henri   Maspero, BEFOE t.   XI,  1911, p, 153, n. 1.

 3.    États hindouisés, p. 320.

 4.    Pl. II 1126,  dated  482 s.  Note   that the modern Burmese

 spelling of 'Shan' is Rham:

 5.    Pl.II 13818, 603 s. (saṁbyaṅ syaṁ).

 6.    Pl.II 11314, 507 s. (uih syaṁ pantyāh).

 7.    Pl.IV 39122, 661 s. (yan sañ ṅā syaṁ).

 

 

 

 

 

174                                    G. H. Luce

 

8.    Pl.IV 39219, 662 s. (panqwat ṅā syaṁ).

9.   PLI13, 65b3 , 8710, 9217; II 143a9'21, 143b7,17,  144 9,  148b3,

(Khantī Poṅloṅ), 153b10, 183a2, 1863; III 2392,8,10 2823,

28314. These  references  to  Khiantī range in date from 554  to

655 s. (1192-1293 A.D.).

10.    The  Khaṁti  mentioned  after  Muiwhoṅ  (Mogaung)   and
Muiṅ  Caṅ  (Maing   Zin) in   the  Kyauksè  Hill  inscription  (List
1084a5, 955 s.), is doubtless Singkaling   Khamti. The  recently
discovered Yan-aung-myin pagoda inscription  at  Thèmaunggan,
south of Pinya (Obverse, line 8,762s.), claims that  in  1400 A.D.
the rule of the  king  extended  beyond  the  Kandu  (Kadu)  and
the   Poṅ   amrī   yok   ( "Palaungs  who  grow  tails" ),  to    the
"heretic  kingdoms  of  the  Naked  Nagas  on   the  borders   of
Khaṁtī Khun kyuiw (?), as far  as  the  heretic  kingdom   called
Timmasāla where  they  kill  people  and  turn  into  spirits, " i.e.,
the Dimasa Kacharis of Upper Assam.

 

 

 

 

 

175

 

 

 

 

 

176

 

 

 

 

 

177

 

 

 

 

 

178

 

 

 

 

 

179

 

 

 

 

 

180

 

 

 

 

 

181

 

 

 

 

 

182

 

 

 

 

 

183

 

 

 

 

 

184

 

 

 

 

 

185

 

 

 

 

 

186

 

 

 

 

 

187

 

 

 

 

 

188

 

 

 

 

 

189

 

 

 

 

 

190

 

 

 

 

 

191

 

 

 

 

 

192

 

 

 

 

193

 

 

 

 

 

194

 

 

 

 

 

195

 

 

 

 

196

 

 

 

 

 

197

 

 

 

 

 

198

 

 

 

 

 

199

 

 

 

 

 

200

 

 

 

 

 

201

 

 

 

 

 

202

 

 

 

 

 

203

 

 

 

 

 

204

 

 

 

 

 

205

 

 

 

 

 

206

 

 

 

 

 

207

 

 

 

 

 

208

 

 

 

 

 

209

 

 

 

 

 

210

 

 

 

 

 

211

 

 

 

 

 

 

212                                    G. H. Luce

 

BURMESE.

A. Inscriptions   of    Burma.  Portfolios    I - V,    containing   609
collotype  plates  of  inscriptions  arranged  chronologically  down
to  the  founding  of   Ava,  726s./1364 A.D. — G.H. Luce and  Pe
Muang   Tin—Oxford   University   Press. Nearly all references  to
inscriptions   in  this  article  are  given  to  these  portfolios. Thus,
e.g.,  in    n. 6  "Pl. II   11314,  50/7s."  means  that  the  word  in
question may be  found  in  Portfolio  II,  Plate  No.  113, line  1 4,
under   date   507   sakarāja.   Add    638   (= 1145)  to  get    the
approximate year in the Christian era.

B. A   List   of    Inscriptions   found    in    Burma,   Part    I     (all
published)  1921.  Government    Press,   Rangoon. — Inscriptions
not   contained   in   A   supra, are   referred   to   where   possible,
under  List.  Thus,  in   n.  10 "List   1084a5,  955s."  means   that
the  word  in  question  is  to  be  found,  under  date 955 sakarāja
(1593   A.D.),  in   line   5  of   the   obverse   of     the   inscription
numbered 1084 in List, where the necessary notes and references
may be found.

 

EUROPEAN.

A. Bulletin  de   l'École   Française   d'Extrême-Orient    (BEFEO):
(i) t. IX, n0 4, oct. — déc. 1909 — La Fin de la Dyanstie de Pagan
(pp. 633-680) par  M. Édouard  Huber. (In  my   paper  I   refer   to
this simply as ' Huber ' or ' Huber's text. ' )

(ii) t. IV, nos.  1-2, Jan. — juin 1904 — Deux  Itinéraires de Chine
en Inde ā la fin du VIIIe siècle ( pp. 131-413 ) par  M. Paul  Pelliot.

(iii) t. XXV — Documents sur  l'histoire  politique et  religieuse  du
Laos Occidental ( pp. 1-200 ) par G. Coedès.

B. Les États Hindouisés d'Indochine et d'Indonésie, par G. Coedès
1948,  Paris,  de  Boccard.  (Referred  to  in  this  paper  as  États
hindouisès ).

 

 

 

 

                   THE EARLY SYĀM IN BURMA’S HISTORY                     213

 

C. Variétés Sinologiques No. 29. Concordance  des  Chronologies
nêomnigues chinoise  el  européenne, par  le Rév. Père. P. Hoang,
1910,  Shanghai. (Tables   giving   equivalents   of   Chinese    and
European dates—according to the Julian calendar  so  far  as  this
article is concerned ).

D. The Cities and Towns of China, a Geographical Dictionary,
by G.M.H. Playfair, 2nd ed., 1910, Shanghai.

 


 

 

 

 

 

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